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Der Schwarze Kanal
Frank Engelmann-del Mestre

differentiate between one or another Western personality because everybody was the enemy (von Schnitzler, 1992: 54). He had to change his disproportionate aggressiveness in the 1970s when the two German states entered a new era of unprecedented exchange and diplomacy. Gerlof observes that he did not change his belligerent style completely, but that he selectively became more pragmatic and cautious (1999: 114). This may be true to a certain degree, as von Schnitzler simply stopped attacking individual politicians and journalists; however, the programme’s manuscripts from the

in Popular television in authoritarian Europe
Open Access (free)
Ian Scott and Henry Thompson

provide a full account of: Th e ci nem a of Ol iver   S to ne the facts and circumstances relating to the terrorist attacks of 11 September, 2001 including those relating to intelligence and law enforcement agencies, diplomacy, immigration issues and border control, the flow of assets to terrorist organisations, commercial aviation, the role of congressional oversight and resource allocation, and other areas determined by the Commission.39 48 The Commission’s forty-​one recommendations dealt with foreign relations and the need to show moral leadership to the rest of

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
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Sue Vice

off him. Gwen and Rosie engage in a surreal dialogue about world politics in which Gwen is excessively wellinformed due to reading the Guardian, Rosie the opposite. The women’s concerns offer a contrast to those of the men on the pitch: gwen: It’s what they call ping-pong diplomacy. That’s the expression they use. rosie: And the Russians have got the needle? gwen: Well, naturally. They’ve been daggers drawn with China ever since Khruschev denounced them at the Twenty-first Party Conference. For revisionism. rosie: For what? gwen: That’s the expression they use

in Jack Rosenthal
Empire and identity, 1923–39
Thomas Hajkowski

World War.127 Several factors account for the BBC’s efforts to increase broadcast material from and about the empire in the years immediately preceding the Second World War. As diplomacy broke down in Europe, it seemed only natural that Britain would need the support of her empire in the case of war. Programs that reflected a progressive, just, and united empire would demonstrate to the British public exactly what Hitler would face in time of war, and, hopefully, boost morale. Another concern expressed at Programme Board was “broadcast propaganda adverse to British

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Rethinking quiz and game shows on 1950s British television
Su Holmes

.B. Campbell, and the first question was “What effect would it have if women were able to exert more power in professional politics and diplomacy?” This was followed by such philosophical musings as “What is happiness?” and “Are thoughts things or about things?”2 Deliberately positioning itself at the opposite end of the class spectrum was Have a Go! (Light, 1946–67). Including a quiz based on general knowledge which largely focused on popular culture, Have a Go! was presented by the popular Yorkshireman, Wilfred Pickles. With the tag-line “Presenting the People to the

in Entertaining television
Star Trek and the transfiguration of naval history
Jonathan Rayner

replicated and bolstered by the enduring imperialist practices of initial, armed, acquisitive exploration succeeded by possessive patrol, colonial policing, protection of trade and gunboat diplomacy. In essence, Star Trek represents a forward projection of the roles of the warships of the Great Powers from the Renaissance to the present day. The apparent inevitability of employing warships as national representatives on such voyages of discovery follows the example of Charles Darwin’s journeys aboard HMS Beagle, and perhaps more specifically the historical precedent of the

in The naval war film
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Richard Farmer

because it has caused me great pain. You do not seem to have any mercy at all. You seem to exploit your clients to the utmost. I do not think I should pay a penny.16 Such a comment prompted Nye, usually a model of diplomacy, to lose patience: ‘I am sorry that you consider that rate payers should be Conclusion r­esponsible for redecorating your cinema and personally I think that you are getting a very good deal out of this matter.’17 Nye’s response did little to pacify Withers, who wrote to the architect to declare that ‘It is quite obvious I do not care who the

in Cinemas and cinemagoing in wartime Britain, 1939–45
The news media and war from Vietnam to Iraq
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

(2005: 11–12) find that coverage was dominated by the subject of battle, that domestic dissent and international diplomacy were largely absent and that little attention was paid to casualties. Conversely, their analysis of story tone indicates that: ‘the vast majority of coverage . . . achieved a neutral tone’ (Aday, Livingston and Hebert, 2005: 20 Pockets of resistance 12). Only Fox News (FNC) failed to fit this model. Otherwise, the proportion of ‘neutral’ stories found ranged from 89 per cent (Al Jazeera) to 96 per cent of coverage (ABC and CBS) (Aday

in Pockets of resistance
A lost epic of the reign of Victoria
Jude Cowan Montague

European diplomacy. The film was Sixty Years a Queen (1913), alternatively titled The Life and Times of Queen Victoria . Its two producers were William George Barker, an experienced filmmaker and the owner-manager of a flourishing studio at Ealing, and George Berthold Samuelson, a successful film agent and the driving force in bringing the royal story to the screen. Sixty Years a Queen has so far

in The British monarchy on screen
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The cultural politics of popular film
Chris Beasley and Heather Brook

coined the term ‘soft power’ to describe modes of advancing national security, including foreign aid and diplomacy, by means that are indirect, and that encourage other countries and their peoples to admire, emulate, support, and acquiesce to such advancement (Nye, 2004). Soft power is the power to win ‘hearts and minds’ as well as wars (Ikenberry, 2004). The critical resources of soft 4 The cultural politics of Hollywood film power lie beyond the direct control of national governments and may have their impact precisely because they seem to occur at a distance

in The cultural politics of contemporary Hollywood film