professional groups at two acute hospitals about their attitudes to the use of NSCG. 15
These interviews highlight some key beliefs and attitudes underpinning glove use behaviour, which can be summarised under themes of emotion and socialisation, both professional and organisational ( Figure 7.2 ).
Figure 7.2 Drivers of glove use behaviour.
Emotion is a key influence on glove use behaviour, and healthcare worker decisions about using them are strongly personal. Whilst from an infection prevention perspective the primary purpose of NSCG is to minimise the
Marguerite Dupree, Anne Marie Rafferty, and Fay Bound Alberti
fatal menace of MRSA (New York: Free Press, 2010).
6 See, for example, P. Clough and J. Halley (eds), The affective turn: theorizing the social (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007); R. Porzig-Drummond, R. Stevenson, T. Case and M. Oaten, ‘Can the emotion of disgust be harnessed to promote hand hygiene? Experimental and field-based tests’, Social Science & Medicine , 68:6 (2009), 1006–1012; P. Harding, ‘Pandemics, plagues and panic’, British Journalism Review , 20 (2009), 27–33; M. Honigsbaum, The pandemic century: one hundred years of panic, hysteria
scanner’. 166 Moreover, it is impossible to replicate or standardise the emotions attached to feeling breathless, as ‘laboratory dyspnoea does not cause the existential fears dyspnoea sufferers encounter in daily life’. 167
To address the ongoing complications around reference classes in spirometry, in 2012, the Global Lung Function Initiative was sponsored by the European Respiratory Society to tabulate new ‘standard’ reference values for spirometry. 168 Of concern to the European Respiratory Society was the way in which the different reference equations available
solidarity between the men as each one was clapped by the other two following their speech.
While recognising instances of discrimination towards British ex-servicemen living in the newly formed state, apathy appears to have been the overriding emotion. The additional prejudice attached to their disability further compromised the ability of mentally ill veterans in the Free State to reintegrate back into civil society.
Mentally disabled pensioners
Recalling writing Shell Shock
Medical personnel and the invasion of Europe in the Second World War
Carol Acton and Jane Potter
job.’1 Yet there is a marked contrast
between narratives of these two wars in the way traumatic experience of
and responses to breakdown and resilience are negotiated. The tension
between stoic endurance and the enormous psychological stress borne
by medical personnel in the First World War is, as we have seen, integral
to their accounts of their war experience. No matter how obliquely at
times, the emotions that attended treating wounded in the warzone were
acknowledged by men and women alike. Even while breakdown was
often represented euphemistically as exhaustion
connected to the ‘six Non-Natural things’: excretion, sleep, food, passions, air and exercise. Patients’ sleeping patterns, appetites for foods,
and emotions, along with other inclinations and behaviours that related
to the Non-Naturals, were used to track their progression on ‘the road
to health’. Medical practitioners and the patient’s family sought to regulate each Non-Natural in order to promote the body’s restoration, and
Convalescent care in early modern England
guard against possible relapse. I argue that this regulation, together with
’ whose performances conveyed complex emotions and moral
positions, so the medical and rhetorical status of organs shifted.8
Few organs were as central and as subject to contradictory interpretations as the stomach. As Richard Brookes’s General Practice of
Physic (1765) confirmed, medical nosology used the stomach as a
barometer for the relative health of the entire organism. Gastric wellbeing ensured physical harmony: ‘it can hardly be imagined what
consent there is between the Brain and its Membranes, between the
Stomach and the adjoining Intestines, they being
While medical histories have traditionally focused on the factual and
concrete, our analyses of the accounts discussed here emphasise the interdependence of experience and emotion, and it is in exploring this interdependence that we find reflected specific commonalities. Although we
separate the wars under discussion into their own chapters, in bringing
them together collectively, similarities, more than differences, become
increasingly visible. Looking at the experiences of trauma and the attendant methods of coping through which the medical personnel
narrative also produced troubling echoes for sympathy as an important interpersonal emotion that tested the nature and limits of the self in the eighteenth century, expanding its metaphorical reach far beyond medicine and the individual body.
A further concern shared by surgeons and popular writers was the capacity for the new nose to pass for a natural one, as we have seen. The stigmatised nature of the lost nose, and its association with the pox and moral degradation, affected victims’ access to medical care and made them easy targets for moralist satires. In 1760 a
Health as moral economy in the long nineteenth century
-Century England (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987); R. K. Rittgers, The Reformation of Suffering Pastoral Theology and Lay Piety in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); S. C. Karant-Nunn, The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
S. Zlotnick, ‘“The law's a bachelor”: Oliver Twist, bastardy, and the New Poor