Representations trigger emotions that drive the struggle for recognition and respect. How an entity is represented, or wishes to be represented, influences its actions. Desire to cultivate a certain image of the Self, to be recognised in a particular way, is driven by a feeling of disrespect that manifests as a social hurt. Such hurt fosters a preoccupation with seeking a particular form of recognition through foreign policy actions. 1 If we allow such a reading of Iran's actions to present itself alongside conventional accounts of Iranian
Expectant emotion and
the politics of hope
‘Hope’ is the thing with feathers.
– Woody Allen
On 13 March 1956, Max Horkheimer, in conversation with his friend and
collaborator Theodor Adorno, made the following remark: ‘I do not believe that
things will turn out well, but the idea that they might is of decisive importance.’ This double movement of thought, an open dialectic that abjures the
false choice between optimism and pessimism, registers one of the core
motivating affects of critical theory: hope. Indeed, there are
How do secular Jewish-Israeli millennials feel about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, having come of age in the shadow of the failed Oslo peace process, when political leaders have used ethno-religious rhetoric as a dividing force? This is the first book to analyse blowback to Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli religious nationalism among this group in their own words. It is based on fieldwork, interviews and surveys conducted after the 2014 Gaza War. Offering a close reading of the lived experience and generational memory of participants, it offers a new explanation for why attitudes to Occupation have grown increasingly conservative over the past two decades. It examines the intimate emotional ecology of Occupation, offering a new argument about neo-Romantic conceptions of citizenship among this group. Beyond the case study, it also offers a new theoretical framework and research methods for researchers and students studying emotion, religion, nationalism, secularism and political violence around the world.
Yeats, it might be said that ‘Mad Munich hurt him into poetry’ since, during that long autumn term, he wrote no less than eighteen poems, all of which could be thematically related to the crisis. A longer discussion than is possible here would take into account not only the variety of emotions expressed in that set of poems, but also the essays and letters he wrote at the time, as well as the list of books which he borrowed from the school library; however, for the purposes of this chapter we shall be confining the discussion to a brief reading of a single poem
Wetherell, I propose that starting with securitisation as a dynamic affective practice offers a productive ground for theorising the role of emotions and affect in securitisation studies, and avoids the usual deadlock between choosing either the discursive approaches to the study of emotions (let us call this ‘representational emotions research’) and the non-representational approaches (the study of movements, flows and affective atmospheres) which have sprung from the disciplines of geography and cultural studies. Securitisation as an affective practice also offers a way
Popular agency, activity and the reframing of history
Paris to Le Bourget in order to witness his arrival at the airport 4 – more politicised expressions of popular emotion were carefully circumscribed by rigorous police refusal to authorise mass meetings. Little wonder that research and recrimination have often focused on a guilty few, while assuming the esprit munichois of the many.
Yet the moment of Munich was also a moment of possibility. At a political and diplomatic level, it was a moment at which the boundaries of Europe and the balance of power between its nation states were open for discussion, even if
emotions of ordinary Italians and their alleged displaying of consent to the Duce’s rule. 7
Before tackling the letters to Mussolini, some context on the Duce’s role in the Munich Crisis is necessary. After the conclusion of the Munich Agreement, Mussolini returned triumphantly to Rome. Italians expressed their gratefulness to Mussolini just as the people of France and Britain thanked their leaders. In the case of Fascist Italy, it is difficult to gauge which expressions of thanks to Mussolini were genuine and which ones were orchestrated by the regime. People
The turbulent diplomatic events of September 1938 aroused substantial public excitement, yet the ‘public’, the ‘people’, the ‘material’ and the ‘popular’ have hitherto been marginalised within a vast historiography dominated by traditional perspectives. Indeed, the most neglected aspects of this ‘model’ crisis – despite the abundance of sources – are the social, cultural, material and emotional, as well as public opinion, an oversight addressed in this collection. The book will also internationalise the original ‘Munich moment’, as existing studies are overwhelmingly Anglo- and Western-centric. It provides a corrective to the long-standing proclivity to consider the Munich Crisis almost exclusively from the viewpoint of politicians and diplomats. The original ‘moment’ will thus be analysed from a variety of relatively unchartered perspectives. Popular responses to the crisis will be prominent, comparing collective responses to individual ones, teasing out its psychological and emotional dimensions, allowing a more holistic and ‘emotional’ history to emerge. The variety of contributions provides an international breadth that is unprecedented in the existing literature, with chapters focusing not only on Britain but also Czechoslovakia, Hungary, the United States, Italy, Germany, France and the Soviet Union. It also furnishes a broader reflection on the status of our discipline, accentuating the benefits of exploring many of the hitherto under-scrutinised issues exposed by the ‘cultural’ and ‘emotional’ turns. The Munich Crisis will thus receive a thorough re-examination that moves beyond those formulaic and Anglo-centric analyses that fixate on positioning the (overwhelmingly male) practitioners of ‘high’ politics as either ‘appeasers’ or ‘anti-appeasers’.
and intensive model
of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global
international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities
to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued
that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that
the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics
later in the House of Commons. His evocation of Disraeli, he explained, came about ‘in a moment of some emotion , after a long and exhausting day, after I had driven through miles of excited, enthusiastic cheering people’. 1 Images of the French premier, Édouard Daladier, both at Munich and on his return to Paris, are somewhat different. Huge crowds gathered in the French capital but Daladier himself was glum, just as he had been when posing alongside Chamberlain, Hitler and Mussolini at Munich. The jubilant masses surprised him; on landing he confessed to Guy La