Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 101 items for :

  • Manchester Security, Conflict & Peace x
  • All content x
Clear All
Clara Eroukhmanoff

Wetherell, I propose that starting with securitisation as a dynamic affective practice offers a productive ground for theorising the role of emotions and affect in securitisation studies, and avoids the usual deadlock between choosing either the discursive approaches to the study of emotions (let us call this ‘representational emotions research’) and the non-representational approaches (the study of movements, flows and affective atmospheres) which have sprung from the disciplines of geography and cultural studies. Securitisation as an affective practice also offers a way

in The securitisation of Islam
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

into historical writing – what people felt, believed, hoped, feared. Years ago, Patrick O’Farrell lambasted the method for producing history ‘of the heart’.14 But surely a history ‘of the head’ is just one part of human experience: ‘subjectivity is as much the business of history as are the more visible “facts” ’.15 Certainly, the affective turn in the humanities has brought emotion to the fore as an important category for understanding social, cultural and political change: Jenny Harding notes the shift from ‘thinking about emotions as “things” people “have” ’ to a

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

civilian martyrs and victims? Propaganda does not act in a vacuum; people are subject to a variety of stimuli that contribute to the formation of opinion, and these subtle mutations are immeasurable. What emerges instead is a complex set of responses, sometimes rational, sometimes not, and not always coherent either. Oral history can sketch the outlines of the webs of thought, emotion and sensation that provide the impetus to act – or not to act. Such messy and contradictory elements of mind can be lost when history is flattened to a set of averages, as must happen if

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
A conclusion
Lindsey Dodd

in Hellemmes and Serge Aubrée and Yvette Cadiou in Brest all commented on the anxiety this provoked. Serge described his response, from sense to emotion to action: ‘The siren’s frightening. Then, it’s instinct, looking  – where to hide? How to get underground?’ That such responses have lasted so long is testament to the profound impact bombs had on everyone who survived their threat. Bombs also changed people’s relationship with the dark. Bernard Lemaire commented that his generation was ‘used to turning off the lights’, the blackout having programmed a particular

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

, carry emotion-laden stories very effectively’.26 Some found family war stories exciting. Michel Floch (Brest) read his father’s letters, while Christian de la Bachellerie (Boulogne-Billancourt) loved hearing his father’s comrades telling their stories over dinner. Henri Girardon’s father (Lambézellec) had been a pilot in World War I, and his achievements were a source of inspiration and pride. Family histories could, of course, be tragedies too. The Nord was occupied by the Germans during the First World War, and Édith Denhez’s mother and father (Cambrai) both

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

experience through the intensity of repeated motifs, using metaphors and similes to communicate a version of experience to those of us lucky enough never to have been bombed. Unexpressed emotions and experiences are suggested by sentences unfinished, hanging beyond memory or language. While experienced differently by all individuals, bombing was a shared event, as people sought reassurance within their social networks:  family, classmates, neighbours. Thus there exist pockets of shared memory. Because local experiences were so diverse it may not be that a ‘collective

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

judgement was harsher following heavy raids in autumn 1942. These raids had exposed the deficient activity in the event of an air raid in Lille, a deficiency to which the attention of your leaders has been drawn on numerous occasions […] Examples of negligence and failure […] have provoked a lot of emotion and angry responses.31 But little improvement happened, as a complaint received by the mayor in August 1944 from the president of the union of shopkeepers on rue Gambetta revealed. First, ‘the official rescue services arrived too late at the bombed building’. But

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Ben Morgan

reflected on, assessed, and regulated. The law is not the only set of behaviors involved, nor, in McEwan’s view, can it be thought to be qualitatively different from other forms of behavior. Rather, there is range of humane and reasonable behaviors of which the law is only one set of practices, and the law does not have a special protected status that neutralizes human fallibility or emotion. This view of the law differs from Menke’s. If we do not accord the law any special conceptual privileges, then the idea that subjectivity is “constituted by” the law makes little

in Law and violence
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

sixteenth arrondissement of Paris; her memories tell the story of a little disabled girl, whose polio had left her less able physically to manage the demands of life under the bombs. From the industrial parts of the town, with families working in laundry or for Renault, were Robert Belleuvre and Bernard Bauwens, among others. These two men spoke with great emotion of the heavy air raids they underwent as young teenagers; both were affiliated to youth groups that forced them to contribute their services in the aftermath of an air raid, Robert standing as a guard of honour

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Clara Eroukhmanoff

security, as well as the emotions and affect imparted when covert racism like the indirect securitisation of minority groups circulates. It is perhaps surprising to argue that Islam has been securitised somewhat indirectly when someone like Donald Trump is President of the United States and when the expression ‘Islamic terrorism’, rejected by Barack Obama but reintroduced by Donald Trump, associates Islam and terrorism as if there was a natural connection between the two, or to put it differently, when Islam has become synonymous with violence in

in The securitisation of Islam