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A quiet assimilation
Harsh V. Pant

had begun to undercut the arms control regime long before the 1998 Indian nuclear tests. But India’s open defiance of the global nuclear order marked the real beginning of the end of the non-proliferation regime, the bedrock of Cold War international security, and the consequences for global security have been nothing less than revolutionary. Forced by India’s open challenge to the global arms control and disarmament framework in May 1998, major powers in the international system have been re-evaluating their orientation toward global arms control and non

in Indian foreign policy
Stanley R. Sloan

“Five Eyes” cooperative intelligence arrangement in which the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand continue to share intelligence on global security concerns. Ultimately, however, the members of NATO and the European Union represent the heart of the West, and thus the well-being of the transatlantic alliance is key to the survival of the West. Moreover, not all members of this core group have always met the high standards set in the North Atlantic Treaty and the several treaties that comprise the EU’s constitution. Without the

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Sean W. Burges

mechanisms such as its military cooperation component, the Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano (CDS). The CDS was inaugurated at the 2009 Quito UNASUL Summit, bringing member-country defence ministers together in a forum to advance cooperation around security issues with a particular emphasis on fostering confidence-building measures, enhancing collaboration in military industrial production and humanitarian action, and formulating common positions on global security issues. Further efforts in this inward turn for collective support come from the December 2012 launching of a

in Brazil in the world
An emerging partnership
Harsh V. Pant

Malacca Straits, and India’s rapid reaction to the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 won accolades from the Pentagon. It is by no means an exaggeration to suggest that the United States would like a strong US–India alliance to act as a “bulwark against the arc of Islamic instability running from the Middle East to Asia and to create much greater balance in Asia.”12 The 2014 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) of the United States strongly emphasizes India’s importance for the United States in the emerging global security architecture.13 While a concern with China’s rising

in Indian foreign policy
Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

with Brazilian decision makers historically reluctant to undertake African operations because of the frequent need to use coercive force as part of the mission (Kenkel, 2013c ). Where the Haitian case becomes important for Brazil’s broader agenda of becoming a viable global security provider with a focus on South–South questions is in the proof of concept it offered for the holistic approach to conflict resolution and stabilization outlined by Amorim to Congress. The result was an expansion of Brazil’s participation in UN missions during the PT presidencies of Lula

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

both sides assuming that their actions and intent were clear to the other. For Brazil, the implications of the process were obvious: the Tehran nuclear deal was a clear attempt by Brazil to demonstrate that it is a major world power capable of delivering the sort of global security goods necessary to have a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Embedded in this attitude was an attempt to reshape relative power relations and their impact on the larger structural question through sheer effort of will by simply acting as if the terrain had shifted and legal

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

, distancing Brazil from global security flashpoints. Brazil can thus absent itself from major international security questions should it so choose, but conversely has to work harder to make a case for its involvement when it does choose to become engaged, which was a sustained challenge during the Lula era. The national security benefits stemming from this accident of geography are magnified by the existence of something approximating a regional security community in South America and the wider area of Latin America. While the formal structures to this end are weak and the

in Brazil in the world
Abstract only
Nigel D. White

.M. Reisman, ‘Rhodesia and the United Nations: The Lawfulness of International Concern’ (1968) 62 AJIL 753. 46 UN Doc S/RES/841 (1993). 47 UN Doc S/RES/757 (1992). 48 UN Doc S/RES/661 (1990). 49 UN Doc S/RES/748 (1992). 50 O’Connell n. 37 at 68. 51 W.M. Reisman, ‘Assessing the Lawfulness of Nonmilitary Enforcement: The Case of Economic Sanctions’ (1996) 89 AJIL 37. 52 UN Doc S/RES/917 (1994). 53 P. Hough, Understanding Global Security (Routledge 2nd edn 2008) 107. 54 UN Doc S/RES/661 (1990); UN Doc S/RES/665 (1990). 55 UN Doc S

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
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new tasks, new traumas
Stanley R. Sloan

, 2014. www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_112964.htm?selectedLocale=en [accessed June 30, 2015]. 86 Gareth Jones, “Four NATO Allies Deny Ukraine Statement on Providing Arms,” Reuters , September 7, 2014. www.reuters.com/article/2014/09/07/us-ukraine-crisis-nato-arms-idUSKBN0H20E820140907 [accessed June 30, 2015]. 87 Julian Borger, “New Push to Remove Tactical Nuclear Weapons from Europe,” The Guardian , February 3, 2012. www.theguardian.com/world/julian-borger-global-security-blog/2012/feb/03/nuclear-weapons-tactical [accessed June 30

in Defense of the West (second edition)
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Turning geopolitical wheels
Michael Clarke

security problems tended to be contagious. Local disputes in Africa or Latin America became global security issues precisely because of the competition between superpowers. That phenomenon seemed to disappear in the 1990s and security issues around the world were treated largely as isolated problems. But globalisation has recreated a different sort of contagion between types and areas of instability. Physical mobility between one crisis zone and another for fighters, weapons, money and information has never been

in The challenge of defending Britain