English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
ceremonies. And traditionally, the state has looked to
the established church to conduct the religious aspects of the coronation
service and grant religious endorsement and sanctification for the new
monarch rather than rely exclusively on secular procedures of installation.
In practice, then, the Church has had great power in determining the rituals
and liturgy of the occasion. The presiding archbishop or bishop could, in theory, refuse to administer the Coronation Oaths if he or she was unable to perform religious rites that he or she deemed appropriate because of the
A Felasophy of Kalakuta Republic and African Citizenship
primary conditions of republicanism: a society of equal citizens with equal access to socio-economic and political rights, even in its most cynical bourgeois sense. A linguistic dispute had thus been provoked. The semantic field of the quarrel could also be noticed at the Afrika Shrine, Fela’s active place of worship since the 1970s, which was accorded the same reverence as orthodox Islam and Christianity, which were the state’s official religions. Nigeria’s political elite continues to encourage the liturgy of these two global monotheistic religions by consciously
‘Free speech’ and the rights of trans and non-binary people on university
dictate the nature of our identities and to legislate the forms of language we use to inhabit them. Queer activism picked up much of the social and political power lost by second-wave feminism, sustaining feminist challenges to medical and legal authority.
25. We’re all in this together. Instead of imposing ideology, let’s try to have conversations that respect everyone’s intellect and value a true diversity of experiences and points of view.
What kind of liturgy can he believe might spring up when we have put away our childish things, our iPhones and our
; symbols are the building blocks of myth and the acceptance and veneration of symbols is a significant
aspect of rituals … Thus myths are encoded in rituals, liturgies and symbols, and
reference to a symbol can be quite sufficient to recall the myth for members of the
community without need to return to the ritual … Members of a community of
shared symbols can continue to recognize one another and maintain communication even after they have abandoned their language (in the philological sense).
The relationship between grammatical language and symbolic language is a
. The coronation of the monarch
for the whole of the UK was being conducted after 1707 in a service which
some experts such as Ratcliff (1936) and Schramm (1937) interpreted as a
uniquely English ceremony. But while the liturgy was Anglican, the governmental element of the oaths administered after 1707 specifically referred to
the United Kingdom. There was some discussion among government advisers in
1952–53 as to whether there could be a separate coronation of the new
monarch in Scotland, but the Prime Minister was advised that this might break
the treaty of union
inspired many of the leading figures
considered in this book.
However, again in common with many other English radicals, Orwell lost his
Christian faith at an early stage. By the age of 14 or 15 he had concluded that he was
an ‘unbeliever’. Nevertheless, at Eton, he permitted his Confirmation to go forward,
being ‘admitted to the Communion of the Church of England by the Bishop of
Oxford. Thereafter his relationship with the Anglican Church would always be one
of fond irreverence.’86 He had ‘an ironic attachment to the liturgy, the humane
political compromises and the
Tiger era. Long before there was any economic transformation, people
were increasingly looking to new forms of spiritual experience that were
more attractive than the rather drab rituals they encountered in most
Catholic churches. A renewal of its liturgy, a reappraisal of its approach,
a re-engagement with the spirit of the times, that is what the Catholic
Crisis, what crisis?
Church will have to undergo if it is to have any hope of remaining a
relevant force for those thirsting for satisfying spiritual experience. Don
O’Leary is correct in seeing the
committed to worship and mission regardless of ethnicity. New arguments emerged about whether the multitude of jurisdictions really served the interest of the Orthodox Church, and there were periodic suggestions of the need for a united Orthodox witness in America, though these usually fell at the first hurdle as traditionalists and ‘mother churches’ proved reluctant to let go. Much of the impetus for change came from second- and third-generation Orthodox and from converts who argued for celebrating the liturgy in English or simplifying the demands made upon believers
in the official ceremonial life of the nation. None of these attitudes can be
sustained unless all other British subjects play a part in the activities of his
Church, whether they like it or not: they must be affected by parish government, bound by a legislature that includes bishops in the second
chamber, required to pay taxes for the support of the Church and to endure
the Anglican liturgies in ceremonies of coronation, the opening of
Parliament, etc. Methodists, Roman Catholics and atheists in the population might welcome the disestablishment of the Church of