Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 22 items for :

  • "nationality" x
  • Philosophy and Critical Theory x
  • All content x
Clear All
Peter J. Spiro

”. Naturalization was a solemn exercise, not always but on average, framed as a “new political birth”, in the words of one mid-nineteenth-century U.S. official (Spiro 1997 ). If only because of the perceived impossibility of multiple nationality, naturalization would have been more likely both to reflect and accelerate membership in the adopted national community. The transferred attachment was singular. The naturalized citizen would have had a clear

in Democratic inclusion
Total infringement of citizenship

resolved, but living without nationality and rights is a harsh reality for thousands of Roma in the EU. Roma children born in Italy to parents who've fled there during the Balkan wars are still facing the scourge of statelessness, even though their families have been living there for decades. We, as members of the European Parliament need to make sure that this remains a priority on the EU agenda until all Roma can enjoy their rights as European citizens. Soraya Post, Swedish Member of the European Parliament of Romani

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

David Miller engages most extensively with my search for a distinct normative principle that provides legitimacy to individual membership claims and to institutional membership rules in liberal democracy. Miller sees my account as a pluralistic one and urges me to consider combining several principles, which would open my approach also for a liberal version of the nationality principle that Miller defends. However, I am monistic in this respect

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship
Rainer Bauböck

into account when withdrawing nationality and the more recent moves in several EU states to deprive citizens joining a terrorist organization of their nationality; the Scottish referendum on independence in November 2014 and the nearly simultaneous rejection by the Spanish government and Constitutional Court of a similar referendum in Catalonia. All these decisions rely implicitly on contested ideas about democratic boundaries and membership

in Democratic inclusion
David Miller

democratic legitimacy is correct, this opens the door to a reassessment of the nationalist principle that Bauböck firmly rejects, since we no longer expect that, or any other principle, to be doing all the work that needs to be done. So I should like to end these comments by reflecting on nationality as a source of democratic legitimacy, in the light of Bauböck's critique. Bauböck concedes that his position resembles liberal

in Democratic inclusion

recognising rights of residents and citizens alike living in all Member States. The major breakthrough that both documents brought was the extension of social and economic rights to all citizens living in another EU Member State than their own. The free movement of EU citizens was initially conceptualised as a free movement of workers in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, which through Article 48 prohibited the discrimination of workers in question: ‘Such freedom of movement shall entail the abolition of any discrimination based on nationality between workers of the Member States as

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Open Access (free)
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
Catherine Baker

ethnicity and race: In these narratives, race is generally occluded by ethnicity , a term used almost synonymously with nationality with reference to linguistic and cultural identity markers. While these identity markers are understood to be as powerful as genetic codes, race itself is not part of the vocabulary of nationalism. It has a hidden trajectory in Eastern Europe because the region's nations see themselves outside of colonial processes and thus exempt from post-decolonization struggles

in Race and the Yugoslav region
David Owen

foundational aspect of Irish political community. These examples propose key test cases for Bauböck because if he holds that second generation immigrants can rightfully be excluded from authorial membership of the demos for constitutional decision-making, then he ought to exclude them from citizenship. (This would be compatible with giving them a distinct quasi-nationality status such as a right to accelerated naturalization conditional on a period

in Democratic inclusion
Catherine Baker

, even those that already join two explanatory paradigms by accounting for social inequalities as well as ethnicised conflicts. By the late 1990s, however, Slovenian polemics over ‘asylum-seekers’ (Mihelj 2004 ; see Chapter 4 ) were already showing that the post-Yugoslav region was not only a migration origin-point but also a destination. While most migrants were outside local categories of ethnic difference, many (through combinations of skin colour, religion, nationality and economic marginality) fell into local categories of racialised Otherness, with specific

in Race and the Yugoslav region

ethnic groups within the constitutional hierarchisation of constitutive nations–nationalities–ethnic groups. ‘Ethnic group’ was a designation for territorially dispersed minorities without territorial claims, and this translated into fewer minority rights than those held by nationalities (Sardelić, 2015 ). Because of EU conditionality (Sardelić, 2011 ), Roma were nominally recognised as equal to other minorities in the Croatian Constitution for the first time. In principle, the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities reflected this

in The Fringes of Citizenship