it would take a considerable time to recover.
This study foregrounds how the Medical Officer's fears of prolonged mental illness proved accurate.
F. Purser treated all nationalities in his role as a physician in a Military Hospital in Dublin and subsequently wrote: ‘English, Scotch, or Irish seem all alike susceptible. Nationality makes no difference
Ulstermen were thus detached from the former assumption.
Grafton Elliot Smith better explained the exemption of the predominantly unionist and protestant Ulster:
Community of race and speech, though important bonds of union, doesn't constitute nationality. By a nation we mean, broadly speaking, a population united by common interests, common institutions, common sympathies and a common history, and a consciousness of unity which leads it to desire a
The lack of bed space for mental casualties throughout the UK and the chaotic wartime system which catered for mental and nervous casualties ensured that war hospitals could not exclusively cater to servicemen according to nationality and birthplace.
Such attempts do appear to have been made: 133 patients were transferred from war hospitals in Britain and Belfast to the RWH. These transferrals included E. K., a forty-three year-old of the South Lancashire Regiment, who was transferred from the Warrington War
,000 women and 18, 000 men. About
90 per cent of the inmates were of Jewish origin, with an average age
of 28.11 Typhus and starvation were endemic, as was TB, dysentery
and fever.12 Many had gastro-intestinal infections, erysipelas and
scurvy. Camp II comprised a series of brick buildings and houses with
approximately 27,000 inhabitants of a variety of nationalities. Enteric,
TB and erysipelas were present, but no typhus and they appeared
Between 1 to 31 March, 17,000 persons died in Belsen. From 1
to 15 April, the day of liberation, a further 18,000 died
In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.
The introduction sets out the aim of the book: to set the nursing in the five
Crimean War armies into the wider context of the different countries’
military, cultural, political, and economic structures. It describes the
imperialist causes of the Crimean War and the war aims of each country, as
well as explaining why the book is limited to the Crimean campaign when the
war was fought in so many other places. The introduction then indicates how
these imperial aims did not have any impact on the nursing. It also explains
that the book is organized by systems of nursing rather than by
nationalities because the subject matter is transnational.
This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that
influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the
Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book
provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine
studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity
and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of
quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions
had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the
construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the
configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread
of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and
differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in
Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking
domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global
English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources,
bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various
Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the
secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of
epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.
secure the cheaper fare.
Emigration agents operating in Europe sold migrants tickets to
London and advised them to declare that Britain was their intended
destination. This information, and the lack of an onward ticket, was
then entered with their names and nationalities in the Board of
Trade’s Alien List as ‘not stated to be en route’. Agents advised
migrants, after leaving the port, to then temporarily change their
names, declare that they had been resident in Britain for any period
over five weeks and then purchase tickets from the agent’s correspondent in Britain
weeks ago the appointment of an Indian to
the post of house surgeon somewhere in Cornwall was cancelled at the
very last moment, after it had been duly made, because of his nationality … One can quite understand, and even justify, the preferment of an
Englishman when he is competing for a post with an equally able and
efficient Indian candidate but one feels prejudice has triumphed over
justice when an Indian is rejected even though he is proved superior
in talents and ability to his English rival. Especially now, when all the
world is praising the bravery of the
behaviours that can be linked
to a narrow definition of racism as related to perceived biological differ
ence, and those that can be ascribed to the more wide-ranging notion
of ‘heterophobia’—literally the fear of difference.5 South Asian migrant
doctors could find themselves at a disadvantage because of racism but
equally as a result of attitudes toward accent, gender, class, alcohol consumption, nationality, religion and other factors.
Racism was a driver of the development of healthcare but so was,
more generally, the tendency of many of those working in the NHS to