Culture and community in the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia
As the Basque Country is the most sparsely populated of the historical nationalities, this regional blip mattered little in terms of the overall result of a referendum that covered the whole of Spain, but Basque reluctance nonetheless constituted the most persistent obstacle to the legitimation of the nascent democratic nation state. Prior to Spain’s EU membership, Catalan patriotism rarely translated into a widespread desire for independence, whilst nationalism remained comparatively weak in Galicia. Taking, in turn, each of the historical nationalities granted a
debates, iterations and changes through the centuries, but subjecthood is still regarded as compatible with citizenship in Britain (Goldsmith 2008 ) – indeed, allegiance to the Crown remains a feature of citizenship to this day.
The Home Office White Paper on nationality, immigration and asylum states that ‘[t]here is no contradiction in promoting citizenship so that people uphold common values and understand how they can play their part in our society while upholding our status as subjects of HM The Queen’ (Home
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
example, in Syria. As
denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly
appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient
political area where
[citizenship] and security work together to
separate those with the right to security from those who are
excluded from it – the former by granting and
citizenisation in a nutshell
The current citizenisation process in Britain was designed in 2002, in a Home Office White Paper on nationality, immigration and asylum (Home Office 2002 ), enshrined in the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2012, and implemented in 2004. The process formalised what had hitherto consisted of a postal application for naturalisation: since 2004, the process requires a citizenship test, a language test and a citizenship ceremony. Several amendments altered the process since then: in 2007, the citizenship test and language
It's a crisp bright November morning, day three of my week with the nationality team at Stadlow Council. That day, the Council was hosting a training session about the new rules and requirements for Settlement on the basis of marriage (SET(M)). The training was led by two UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) case workers, and it was open to registrars from other local authorities who offer Settlement Checking Services (SCS) for SET(M) applications. Twenty-four people attended from at least six councils. The training session lasted the better part
political membership that comes with citizenship has come to take a secondary role in favour of the framing of citizenship couched in terms of identity (Anthias 2016 : 178–179). The citizenisation process is for most applicants a complicated negotiation of becoming, belonging and identity – insofar as for many, ‘nationality’ (belonging to a nation) and citizenship (legal status) are blurred. As a result, acquiring a nationality other than the one in which most applicants were born comes with mixed feelings, as we see below.
Becoming and belonging are
the common market to be discriminated against. It seems highly unfair to have two workers performing the same job but letting only one of them acquire the rights associated with that job, simply on grounds of nationality. This is not to say that nationality is morally irrelevant. In an international system where the nation-state is a key unit of self-determination and democracy, nationality, even if arbitrarily acquired by birth, is an indispensable predicament. Yet the moral worth of nationality is not absolute. Against what has been suggested by a number of
An image that has stuck in my mind from observing settlement or nationality checking appointments at local councils is that of applicants walking in with plastic bags, briefcases or large bulging manila folders full of documentary evidence in support of their application for Settlement on the basis of Marriage (SET(M)) or for naturalisation. A vast array of document types circulate in the waiting room of citizenship: application forms, Home Office letters, government certificates (birth, marriage/civil partnership, naturalisation), diplomas
state–citizen relationship. It is a space where migrants (understood as noncitizens), state and nonstate actors meet as they encounter, experience and enact citizenisation in ways that both conform to and exceed the policy guidelines, timelines and expected outcomes.
The social life of citizenisation
Legally speaking, naturalisation refers to the acquisition of citizenship and nationality by somebody who resides in a country where she or he is not a citizen or national. In his historical analysis of the body of legislation and
-generation immigrants – even if they are not first-generation immigrants themselves. Typically, immigrant-origin children are defined as those whose parents – either one or both – are born abroad, though sometimes the focus is on the parents’ country of origin or nationality, and sometimes the focus is on home language, ethnicity, religion or legal status.
Immigrant-origin students in Ireland often find themselves in a situation whereby, on the one hand, they are ‘outsiders’ with little familiarity of the nature of the Irish school system. On the other hand