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Lindsey Dodd

Friends, enemies and the wider war coloured by nationality. This came as a result of the type of air raids most prominent in memory there, worst in 1944 when bombing was heaviest. It may also have arisen from a sense of betrayal by British friends. The Nord-Pas-de-Calais had a longstanding relationship with Britain, and there existed a more complex relationship towards these ‘friends’ whose ‘American-style’ bombing appeared so callous.2 In a few cases, the explanations proposed for the Allies’ choice of targets hinted at an underlying uneasiness with their motivation

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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Lindsey Dodd

. And after that, I had my little gas mask. My mother fought for me to have one!’ In Hellemmes, Sonia Agache’s mother found another solution, making for her youngest children ‘a sort of mask from some gauze and some cotton wool’. Masks were not short for everyone, however. Max Potter in Paris found himself in an unusual position: ‘I had two! I had a French one […] and the British Embassy – as I had a British father, I had dual nationality, two passports – the British also gave me a mask!’ Max was proud of his two masks and he showed them off at school. But typically

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

post-imperial state therefore not only lacked the capacity to enforce a monopoly over legitimate violence, it also failed to overcome the challenges of establishing a stable nation among its culturally diverse population. Although the PRC recognised itself as a multi-ethnic state of fifty-six ‘nationalities’ ( minzu ), including the Han or Chinese, pledged to support minority rights and established so

in Violence and the state
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
Marie Beauchamps

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

was consistent in his anti-interventionism cum anti-imperialism, contrary to other British liberals who were ‘more selective’, 82 as in the case of James Mill and John Stuart Mill. 83 Mazzini, nationality and non-intervention/intervention Mazzini, like Cobden, was not a political philosopher, but a politician and activist. He is known today as the ‘Beating Heart of Italy’, the foremost inspirer of Italian unification. But in his

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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Their commencement, effects and termination
Leslie C. Green

restrictions upon the freedom of residents possessing adverse-party nationality. For countries which have ratified Geneva Convention IV relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, 50 civilians present in the territory of the adverse party are protected by the terms of that Convention immediately upon the outbreak of hostilities. 51 Relations between

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
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Leslie C. Green

potential recognition as are the regular forces. Mercenaries Until the adoption of Protocol I no attempt was made to discriminate among the members of an armed force on the basis of their nationality or the motives which lead them to join that force, whether those motives are ideological or mercenary. 70 In view, however, of the number of mercenaries who enrolled in colonial armies

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Sara E. Davies

being, but as ‘the condition of becoming’. 2 The 1951 Convention stated that the term refugee shall apply to any person who: ‘As a result of events occurring before 1 January 1951 and owing to well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Labour and intelligence during the Second World War
Daniel W. B. Lomas

What is needed is a new organization to co-ordinate, inspire, control and assist the nationals of the oppressed countries who must themselves be the direct participants. We need absolute secrecy, a certain fanatical enthusiasm, willingness to work with people of different nationalities, complete

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
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Jo Laycock and Francesca Piana

gathering of testimonies of eyewitnesses and survivors. 35 In the Soviet Republic of Armenia meanwhile, the writing of Armenian history was dictated by the principles of Soviet nationalities policy. 36 Histories of the Genocide and its aftermaths were woven into a narrative of the Soviet Union as the ‘saviours’ of Armenians not only from Ottoman violence but also from the self-interested policies of the other European imperial powers. During the last decades of the Soviet Union’s existence history writing in Armenia became increasingly dominated by primordialist

in Aid to Armenia