of selfhood and right to participate in this world. Moreover, violence is absolutely integral to the markings of subjectivity, setting apart claims about identity, along with notions of civility and barbarism. Violence is always mediated through expressed dichotomies between acceptable and unacceptable behaviours, between the right to punish and the intolerable transgression, between the force of normative law and the terror of the minority. In fact, there is an entire political ecology at work in the very diagnosis of something as political violence in itself
( 2016 ), The Seductions of Quantification: Measuring
Human Rights, Gender Violence, and Sex Trafficking ’
( Chicago : The University of
Chicago Press ).
( 2015 ), ‘ Interventionism as Practice: On
“Ordinary Transgressions” and Their
Routinization ’, Journal of Intervention and
to resist or change social
or political wrong through either ‘contained or transgressive
tactics, excluding political violence’ (Global Activism, Ruth Reitan,
Re-assertion of state sovereignty was also linked to the fact that pre-1989
MSF often worked on the margins of conflicts/refugees, as opposed to
directly inside, thus bringing our public critiques and
stranger as an unknown but nonetheless identifiable (read: racialised) figure who
posits danger and transgression in his very being (see also Fanon, 1975 ). This figuration can be readily transposed to
the colonial and patriarchal bases of the aid sector, structured by hierarchical and
highly sexualised notions of both race and gender. Under this logic, colonised and
non-white men have long been positioned as libidinous and violent, threats to the
safety and honour of white women, while
Breaking away: the End
Towards a Just Peace in our land. A declaration to End Conscription.
We live in an unjust society where basic human rights are denied to the
majority of the people. We live in an unequal society where the land and
wealth are owned by a minority. We live in a state of civil war, where
brother is called on to fight brother. We call for an end to conscription.
(ECC Declaration, in CIIR, 1989: 91)
The End Conscription Campaign, as an organisation, embodied altern
ative and transgressive values to that of the state. The
workers.6 It is important to reiterate, however,
that these processes were managed within the terms of the moral economy of
the Scottish coalfields: changes, including closures, were generally undertaken
with the agreement of union representatives, and economic security was guaranteed for displaced miners, either through transfers to other pits, or with the
availability of work elsewhere in the economy. Wheeler’s approach, by contrast,
transgressed this moral economy: closures from 1982 were driven through
against the opposition of NUMSA and SCEBTA; he wanted, indeed
Matthew Worley, Keith Gildart, Anna Gough-Yates, Sian Lincoln, and Bill Osgerby
class terms rather than the racial connotations too often drawn from its links to the skinhead subculture. Questions of
age and gender are brought to the fore in Laura Way’s chapter, with an emphasis
on constructing and retaining a punk identity amongst ‘older women punks’.
Ivan Gololobov, meanwhile, examines the transgressive concept of ‘immigrant
punk’ to present bands such as Kultur Shock as both reflecting and resisting the
processes of postmodernity. Finally, Pete Webb assesses the extent to which
Crass helped forge a politically active ‘milieu’ that cut across
Like other governmental institutions in the United States, the Supreme Court has evolved considerably in the years since 1789. Indeed, scholars still debate today what the framers of the Constitution originally intended the nature and role of the Court to be. As a result, there is sharp disagreement over whether the Court has transgressed the proper boundaries of its power. It is important, therefore, to understand the ideas that underpinned the creation of the Supreme Court in the first place and how and why it has changed over the years.
–1966’, Scottish Labour History, 40 (2005), 87–110.
31 Andrew Perchard and Jim Phillips, ‘Transgressing the Moral Economy: Wheelerism
and Management of the Nationalised Coal Industry in Scotland’, Contemporary
British History, 25 (2011), 395.
32 ‘Replanning a Coalfield’, Mining Review, 2nd Year, No. 10 (1949), directed by Peter
Pickering, produced for Data Film Productions, sponsored by NCB, with commentary spoken by John Slater. The film features on Portrait of a Miner.
33 Hazel Heughan, Pit Closures at Shotts and the Migration of Miners (Edinburgh, 1953).
second explores the variety of transgressive political identities adopted by
homosexual men outside of the Left. Here, George Melly, Ray Gosling, Anthony
Grey, Allan Horsfall and Colin MacInnes act as motifs. Whilst these individuals
are not representative, they can be understood as emblematic ﬁgures, who each
explored a different political direction and each of whom had a lasting impact on
gay activism. These individuals politicised their homosexuality at a time when the
counter-culture that grew out of CND’s middle class radicalism was being codiﬁed