ambiguities within discourses which resist them. Notably, the method of this study was phenomenological. It aims to unpack the range of ‘what it feels like’ – not to quantify Islamophobia, Orientalism, racism or their lack among hiloni millennials.
The first part of the chapter provides context. It analyses how the Jewish-Israeli public reads Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah and Iran through the lens of the long historical experience of Jews with anti-Semitism in Europe and the Middle East. Stereotypes of Islamic fanaticism emerged in their contemporary form in Israel in
theories of secularism and secularization generally ignored Judaism. 28 The ignoring was mutual. Prior to the 1990s, historians, philosophers and religious studies scholars of Jewish cases did not widely engage theories of the secular, seeing them as conceptually inapplicable. 29
However, since the early modern period, Jewish thinkers have engaged extensively with questions raised by Europeanmodernism, including about ontology, identity, ethics and politics. In the introduction to their 2015 edited collection, Secularism in Question: Jews and Judaism in Modern Times
instantiations in which history endows it with meaning.
(Stullerova 2014 , p. 24, p. 33)
Yes, putting cruelty first has universal purchase , the argument goes, as it is a philosophical statement. But Shklar is also assuming that cruelty can be examined only in ways that do depend on situational specifics . Some maintain that, for these reasons, Shklar's work has affinities with the post-modernism of Richard Rorty, given that both emphasise our worst experiences and also their historically
imaginary but palpable distended and
aggrandizing West/Europe as modernity – for all those awaiting
its second coming in prior places, anachronistic spaces, lagging in
In artistic, intellectual, and aesthetic arenas,
modernism(s) in South Asia have variously, often critically, engaged
with these projections and presuppositions: but they have also been
unable to easily escape
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
‘Flow and boundary’ – a suggestive image for a new
constellation of border crossings. (Habermas, 2001 ) 1
From its conception to the referenda of 2005 where it
met its end, German philosopher Jürgen Habermas wrote in support of the European
Constitution. An account of his efforts must, however, be more than a catalogue of texts. For
his status as the last of the great system builders of European philosophy, comparable with
Hegel in the breadth and explanatory power of his thought
, ‘ Public Discourse and Cosmopolitan Political Identity: Imagining the European Union Citizen ,’ Futures , 38 ( 2006 ), 139 . By stifling imagination and the ability to fantasise [ Phantasie ], which is crucial to creating new structures that go beyond the nation-state, the EU is dooming its own project.
30 S. Benhabib , The Reluctant Modernism of Hannah Arendt ( Lanham : Rowman & Littlefield , 2003 ), xliv ; H. Arendt , ‘ Approaching the German Question ,’ in Jerome Kohn (ed), Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954 ( New York : Harcourt, Brace & Co
developmental idea of a supersession of the past is crucial to modern
imaginaries. This is true of academic assumption and everyday
understanding, and also underlies the mutual articulations of modernity,
modernization, and modernism. Such splitting of the past from the
present is simultaneously temporal and spatial. Here the singular
temporal trajectory and the exclusive spatial location of
expressed in history, others would continue shortly after in the
modernist arts, literature, poetry, music and philosophy. A second wave of radical modernism emerged in Marxist politics, political economy, liberation theology and indigenous movements.
Engagement in the cross-currents of history
Modernism arose at the turn of the twentieth century as a movement of artists, philosophers, writers, poets, musicians and activists (Schelling, 2000). In
a short time, they remedied the positivist cultures that had denigrated Latin
America and venerated European
, Essays in Understanding , 391; also Benhabib, The Reluctant Modernism of Hannah Arendt , 86–95. For more on the connection between Arendt and Habermas, see P. J. Verovšek , ‘ A Case of Communicative Learning: Rereading Habermas’s Philosophical Project through an Arendtian Lens ,’ Polity , 51 : 3 ( 2019 ), 597 –627 .
22 Frank, Constituent Moments , ch. 1.
23 Verovšek, ‘Unexpected Support for European Integration,’ 389–413.
24 H. Arendt , On Revolution ( New York : Penguin Classics , 1990 ), 204 .
25 S. Benhabib , ‘ Democratic Exclusions and