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- Author: Geraldine Lievesley x
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This book is concerned with the nature of contemporary Latin American political culture. In this it adheres to the tradition of the Western liberal democratic paradigm, which considers politics to be a compromise and repudiates ideological, holistic world-views. Thus, in discussing countries which have experienced transitions to constitutional government following periods of military rule, Lawrence Whitehead describes the emergence of 'stalemate' politics: 'reformist, populist or socialist projects had been attempted and had failed; reactionary authoritarian projects had also been attempted and had also failed'. The other perspective is based upon a radical democratic model which is critical of the first approach and advocates popular empowerment. It projects the need for structural transformations of Latin American societies and economies (to avoid needless repetition, this umbrella term is to be understood as including Central America unless otherwise stated), the opening up of political systems and the end of mass marginalization. It thus continues in the Marxist and socialist tradition but searches for new methods and strategies, given the bankruptcy of earlier radical projects. The first model is posited upon a non-participatory view of democracy, with politics being regarded as an elite occupation. A case in point is that of debt and the socio-economic and political implications it has had for Latin America. The major consequence has been the virtually universal application of neo-liberal economic restructuring programmes.
This chapter introduces several modalities which inform the discussion concerning the relationship between women and citizenship. Citizenship can be understood both as the status ascribed to individuals by states through constitutional formulations and legal conventions and as a set of social norms and practices which affect relations between individual citizens, between individuals and communities and between the latter and government. In talking about women's citizenship rights in the United Kingdom, Katherine O'Donovan argues that a universal model of citizenship ignores the existence of differences of race, gender, ethnicity, class, religion, culture and geographical location. Feminist critics argue that neither the liberal nor the Marxist models of citizenship have acknowledged the centrality of patriarchy to social power. Interest in civil society enjoyed a resurgence from the late 1970s when a marked dissatisfaction with the centrality of the state in political practice and economic management became evident.
In the 1960s and early 1970s, Latin and Central American societies were witnessing political authoritarianism, military dictatorship and mass repression and experiencing the incremental growth of what would become the debt crisis, while in Cuba a revolutionary government was wrestling with the difficult task of building socialism in an underdeveloped country. This chapter is based on the premise that poor women mobilise and that their experiences and the knowledge gained from them are important. It permits itself the freedom to range between modern and historical examples of women's oppression and mobilisation. It does so in the spirit of the idea of the politics of cultural identity. Gender stereotypes persisted in education and in the existence of double standards of morality. Women were encouraged to base their understanding of citizenship upon fulfilment of their domestic roles and through their unswerving loyalty to the regime.
Under the aegis of neo-liberalism and in the shadow of the question of debt repayment, the state's boundaries have been transformed, but to the benefit of the rich and privileged, and in the context of a political economy which connects with global processes, institutions and actors rather than making domestic development its priority. Indeed, its vulnerability to international recession, the impact of protectionist policies introduced in the North and the exigencies of the debt will combine to undermine any future attempts by the Latin American state to turn away from neo-liberalism in favour of a more distribution-oriented political economy. The transformation of the state and its submission to the market has had profound repercussions upon the ability of popular movements to have an impact upon politics. The tenuous condition of the 'new politics' is addressed by Chalmers, Martin and Piester, who introduce the concept of 'associative networks' of social movements.
This chapter examines the relations between significant political actors and the nature of the political systems they preside over. Their interrelationship with other elites is touched upon, and the obstacles they may pose to democracy are considered. Given the limitations of space and the inadequacy of a single, general volume to address all aspects of 'official' politics, the chapter concentrates upon themes, similarities and contrasts between such actors and systems rather than undertaking an in-depth survey of any one in particular. It must be borne in mind that political systems are not static entities, but experience persistent change. In examining the liberal pacted model of democracy, the chapter stresses the importance of elite consensus with respect to the rules of the political game, the objectives of policy-making and the relationship of the state to civil society.
This chapter elucidates and criticizes the two models of the nature and consolidation of democratic politics in Latin America. These models will be a constant presence within the remainder of the text as various aspects of the political process are highlighted. The chapter explores the meaning of democracy and citizenship in contemporary Latin America. It examines already existing models of transition and consolidation of Latin American politics and their relationship to democracy. The importance of participatory democracy, the status of social movements within the state and a holistic approach towards democracy incorporating socio-economic as well as political elements are amongst the main concerns of the radical model. As with all radical theorists, the core of Munck's critique is that authentic democracy cannot grow in societies marked by structural socio-economic and political inequalities and inequities.
This book is concerned with the nature of contemporary Latin American political culture. The book offers a more substantial presentation of the two theoretical perspectives and looks at the political establishment. It examines how the Latin American Left has attempted to engage with contemporary political systems and the strategies it has devised to do so. The book approaches the question of popular mobilization, with the former analysing the insertion of new social movements into formal politics and the latter the role of women. It discusses the constraints upon further democratization of different types of system by addressing socio-economic and political issues which challenge the legitimacy of individual states. The book offers some final thoughts on the nature of hacer politica within Latin America and the prospects for either greater authoritarianism or a deepening of participatory democracy.
The Latin American Left has experienced tremendous changes in recent years which have compelled it to reconsider its place within political systems. This chapter considers the varieties of ways that national Lefts have attempted to come to terms with a democratic model and how they have succeeded in re-creating their own identities. The latter challenge can be viewed from two angles: one is the relationship between left-wing parties and dominant systems, and the other is their need to transform their links with popular movements. Social movements remain suspicious, believing that the Left will attempt to subvert the independence of community, peasant, indigenous, environmental and women's groups. The chapter concludes with some thoughts upon the future of the Left in Latin and Central America. Its history has been one of division, both within and across national borders and, also, under the impact of international ideological divisions.
This chapter focuses upon women's mobilization - to define and evaluate the nature of these movements, as well as to determine how they are to be regarded from the perspective of the liberal pacted and radical participatory models of democratic consolidation and empowerment. There had been a long history in Chile of partisan intervention in grassroots politics. A highly politicized political culture centred upon political parties and those of both Right and Left sought to manipulate popular organizations. Typically, clientelists tended to look upwards, acknowledging the power of their 'betters', whereas radicals were more confrontational, conscious of themselves as poor, and dominant politics as inhabited by the wealthy. They were also aware of the state as the site of struggle and of the relationship between local conflicts and national power relations. This awareness stimulated a fresh perception of how they could engage in political and social change.
This chapter considers some of the socio-economic and political constraints which challenge the possibility of promoting and enhancing democracy in contemporary Latin and Central America. It starts with a discussion which addresses the political and social consequences of the macro-economic strategies of neo-liberalism. If one adheres to a popular-democracy model of Latin American political life, then it may be seen as good coming from adversity, as the expression of self-help and the participatory ethos. An examination of contemporary insurgencies and the state's response to them provides one example of how the military is at the heart of contemporary political power. The continuing inability to deal with the resolution of seemingly intractable and ongoing problems of social exclusion, political violence and economic deprivation on the part of elected governments remains a thorn in the side of their presumed dedication to the deepening of democracy.