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Canadians usually subscribe to the notion that the federal conservative party is more pro-security than its liberal opponents and hence its robust posture in introducing the crime bill (C10), anti-terrorism bill (C51), and tough citizenship and immigration laws, which might have cost it its re-election bid in the past. Once the Liberal government took office in 2015, its election manifesto outlined a promise to change the “controversial” clauses of bill C51; however, as of today, no concrete measures have been delivered toward fulfilling the promise. Additionally, some global and local events are taking place at a rapid pace such as a refugee influx from the South, Canada’s withdrawal from global conflict zones versus its renewed interests in peacekeeping operations, home-grown lone-wolf terrorism, violent right-wing extremism, environmental and indigenous activism. These have significant national security implications and whether Canada is ready to face these challenges through its current security governance mechanism needs to be explored earnestly. In light of these challenges this chapter aims to contextualize the existing security governance structure (primarily related to the federal public safety, immigration, national defence, and justice departments) along with relevant legislation in dealing with the unfolding events. Next, it explains essential ramifications for Canadians in general, and civil society in particular, as the security governance regime affects them on a daily basis. A qualitative methodological approach is adopted to research the subject and the primary source of data is one-on-one interviews from principal actors in all the above-mentioned government as well as civil society sectors.
"This book examines the intersection between national and international counter-terrorism policies and civil society in numerous national and regional contexts. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) against the United States led to new waves of scholarship on the proliferation of terrorism and efforts to combat international terrorist groups, organizations, and networks. Civil society organizsations have been accused of serving as ideological grounds for the recruitment of potential terrorists and a channel for terrorist financing. Consequently, states around the world established new ranges of counter-terrorism measures that target the operations of cCivil society organizsations exclusively.
Security practices by states have become a common trend and have assisted in the establishment of a “‘best practices”’ among non-liberal democratic or authoritarian states, and are deeply entrenched in their security infrastructures. In developing or newly democratized states (those still deemed democratically weak or fragile), these exceptional securities measures are used as a cover for repressing opposition groups considered by these states as threats to their national security and political power apparatuses.
This book serves as a critical discussion accounting for the experiences of civil society in the enforcement of global security measures by governments in the America’s, Africa, Asia-Pacific, Central Asia, Europe (Western, Central, and Eastern), and the Middle East.
Since September 11, 2001 (9/11), the so-called “new terrorism” security architecture created immense challenges for community integration, securitizing political dissent, and potentially advancing fundamental social and economic inequalities. The emergence of this new security architecture in the context of terrorism is also intricately linked to what has been referred to as the “age of counter-terrorism.” This chapter examines the development of global security architectures in the context of counter-terrorism (CT) in light of the development of the “new terrorism” security paradigm, and the impact this is having on civil society. It charts the foundation of these cross-national CT security structures – the overt security responses that took form between 2001 and 2006, which have since given way to a greater focus on preventative countermeasures – and explores the supporting discourses that have sprung up around this, before exploring how these bodies and discourses are changing and challenging contemporary politics in new and unexpected ways. This chapter further examines state-level CT as a set of military, discursive, physical, and economic structures.
This chapter maps the development of global security architecture in the context of the “new terrorism” security paradigm, and the impact this is having on civil society – creating challenges for community integration, securitizing political dissent, and potentially advancing fundamental social and economic inequalities. It argues that the inequalities of counter-terrorism represent an internalization of racism associated with colonialism into the heart of the Westernized (but not Western) state model through the language of security. This has blurred the line between what have been traditionally defined as “democratic,” “authoritarian,” and “hybrid” states to such an extent that they are rendered problematic in their usage in a counter-terror context. As such, more radical approaches to theorizing the relationship between terrorism and counter-terrorism need to be considered.
This chapter argues that robust civil society activity in any country forms part of the conscience of the state and creates awareness in the citizenry so to hold their leaders accountable. This is only possible if there is an enabling environment or space for civil society such as free access to information, freedom of expression, opportunity to participate in a political process, freedom of assembly, and right to stage peaceful protests. However, over the years, the sociopolitical developments in Uganda have steadily facilitated the shrinking of space for civil society organizations (CSOs). In the guise of maintaining law and order, laws have been enacted to help monitor, control, and restrict the operations of civil society. The laws so enacted have invariably been used by the security agents to disperse, arrest, and torture whoever is seen going contrary to the established law – thus infringing on the basic democratic rights of citizens and affecting their security. This chapter, therefore, sets out to explore answers to key questions such as: what are the causes of shrinking space for civil society in Uganda; how does such shrinking space to civil society affect security; and what could be done to address this so to create an enabling conditions for the operation of civil society in Uganda?
This book set out to analyze the legacies of the post-9/11 global war on terror, underscoring the impact of the counter-terrorism policy it produces on the operationality of CSOs. It examines countries that have been understudied despite their having one of the most repressive CTMs. It also re-examines other countries, while documenting unique issues that have emerged over the years as a result of the increasing pressures of counter-terrorism policy on CSOs, which was not captured by previous works. The book is also concerned about how CSOs made sense of and reacted to these new government security measures. We discovered from the contribution of authors specific underlying themes that illuminate states’ increasing constraints and exploitation of civil society organizations in the Americas, East and Western Europe, Southeast Asia, MENA and Sub-Saharan region. Thus, in this concluding chapter, we re-examine these themes highlighted in the introduction as a way of summarizing the importance of the discoveries of this book in aiding our thoughts on the intersections between CTMs and CSOs in various parts of the world.
The Russian Federation, similar to its predecessor, the Soviet Union, represents a classic case of repressive security. Typically for such systems, civil society usually plays a minimal role in the Russia’s security measures. Such weak involvement of civil society in security policies results in two opposite features of the Russia’s security system. On the one hand, a weak participation of civil society in state affairs, including security policies, means a weak capability to control security measures of the state that strengthens the hands of security agencies. On the other hand, a lack of cooperation between the state and civil society often hinders efforts to combat security threats. International terrorism and other global security threats have inevitably affected not only Russian security policies but also the relationships between the state and civil society. The state often uses the threats as justification for repressive security including the further exclusion of civil society from security policy-making.
This chapter examines the role of CSOs pan-Europe in countering terrorist attacks, as well as the implications of counter-terrorism on these organizations. Specifically, it investigates four countries in Central Europe as a means to viewing their actions toward counter-terrorism and briefly explore a fifth case in southeastern Europe. The four primary countries provide a sense of procedures and effects in vulnerable European countries. They include: Slovenia, Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania. Interestingly, three of the four countries joined the EU in 2004 with the EU-25 enlargement; the fourth, Romania, in 2007 with the EU-27 enlargement. This chapter builds upon comparative work linking counter-terrorism and CSOs also examining multiple case studies, across different sections of the world.
This chapter first looks at the emergence of civil society in Bangladesh. It then turns to how 9/11 ushered profound changes in the mindset of individuals regarding the capacity building of states for pre-empting terrorist activities and operations. Finally, it addresses the extent to which an increase in state control has affected the functioning of civil society. Hue and cry has come up from different sections of the civil society regarding blanket imposition of restrictions on free civil society operations. The chapter focuses on Bangladesh, which is facing terrorist strikes, particularly since 9/11.