Professor Drummond's two pioneering studies, British Economic Policy and the Empire 1919-1939, 1972, and Imperial Economic Policy 1917-1939, 1974, helped to revive interest in Empire migration and other aspects of inter-war imperial economic history. This book concentrates upon the attempts to promote state-assisted migration in the post-First World War period particularly associated with the Empire Settlement Act of 1922. It examines the background to these new emigration experiments, the development of plans for both individual and family migration, as well as the specific schemes for the settlement of ex-servicemen and of women. Varying degrees of encouragement, acquiescence and resistance with which they were received in the dominions, are discussed. After the First World War there was a striking reorientation of state policy on emigration from the United Kingdom. A state-assisted emigration scheme for ex-servicemen and ex-servicewomen, operating from 1919 to 1922, was followed by an Empire Settlement Act, passed in 1922. This made significant British state funding available for assisted emigration and overseas land settlement in British Empire countries. Foremost amongst the achievements of the high-minded imperial projects was the free-passage scheme for ex-servicemen and women which operated between 1919 and 1922 under the auspices of the Oversea Settlement Committee. Cheap passages were considered as one of the prime factors in stimulating the flow of migration, particularly in the case of single women. The research represented here makes a significant contribution to the social histories of these states as well as of the United Kingdom.
This study concerns the history of Gibraltar following its military conquest in 1704, after which sovereignty of the territory was transferred from Spain to Britain and it became a British fortress and colony. It focuses on the civilian population and shows how a substantial multi-ethnic Roman Catholic and Jewish population, derived mainly from the littorals and islands of the Mediterranean, became settled in British Gibraltar, much of it in defiance of British efforts to control entry and restrict residence. To explain why that population arrived and took root, the book also analyses the changing fortunes of the local economy over 300 years, the occupational opportunities presented and the variable living standards which resulted. Although for most of the period the British authorities primarily regarded Gibraltar as a fortress and governed it autocratically, they also began to incorporate civilians into administration, until it eventually, though still a British Overseas Territory, became internally a self-governing civilian democracy. The principal intention of the study is to show how the demographic, economic, administrative and political history of Gibraltar accounts for the construction, eventually and problematically, of a distinctive ‘Gibraltarian’ identity. With Gibraltar's political future still today contested, this is a matter of considerable political importance.
The Empire Marketing Board and imperial propaganda, 1926–33
This chapter explains imperialism between the wars as forming part of the dominant ideology of the day. To begin with, the Empire Marketing Board's (EMB) establishment in 1926 does suggest that imperialism was in the 1920s a central preoccupation of major sections of the dominant class. From its inception in 1926 to its closure in 1933, the EMB was rapidly and rightly identified in public and political eyes as a propaganda organisation. The EMB's expectation that propaganda might have a sufficiently powerful impact reflects the remarkable development and extension of the range of media available for communications and persuasion since the end of the previous century. Even the well-established techniques of paper-making and printing had experienced technical changes as to substantially cheapen the cost and ease the process of producing large runs of printed books, and other printed materials.
The attraction of Empire migration and settlement as part of a greater imperial economic and welfare strategy remained self-evident to many commentators in the United Kingdom between the wars. Optimism largely evaporated in economic depression, which as in the past demonstrated that most migrants could be pulled in only by prosperity overseas and would not be expelled merely by distress at home. The lack of harmony between social provision in the United Kingdom and in the overseas Empire made migration risky. The disappointment demanded a more circumspect study of that natural harmony which was supposedly sufficient, with a nudge from assisted passages and land settlement schemes, to send a flow of British migrants overseas. In the 1880s and 1890s less than one-third of British emigrants had sailed to Empire destinations; most of the rest had headed for the USA.
The growth in the size of New Zealand's population and labour force had never been allowed to be entirely dependent on either natural increase or on uncontrolled free-market immigration. Manufacturers looked to immigration, however, to satisfy more than their need for labour. New Zealand manufacturers were therefore keen to see their potential customers increased by immigration and population growth. Farmers' representatives were particularly interested in encouraging juvenile immigration. The Immigration Department in 1920 asked local Farmers' Unions if they would welcome a proposal to bring in British lads aged seventeen to twenty as farm labourers. The Otago Expansion League, the Canterbury Progress League and the Nelson Progress League added their propaganda to the arguments of local Chambers of Commerce and employers' associations. New Zealand governments between the wars were subjected to very considerable pressures in the formulation and execution of immigration policy.
Interpreting a migrant’s letters from Australia, 1926–67
Archived letter collections written by migrants from the British Isles, often reflecting on journeys, reception and experiences tend to be limited to the nineteenth century. The collection adds up to 74 pieces, running from 18 April 1926 to 13 July 1967. This chapter presents the letters to Emiline Mary Viccars, nee Dawes, usually known as Maidie by her sister Grace. There are only four letters to Maidie, all from Grace, and all in 1945. The letters of these years are indicative of the tough economic times suffered by most of the new settlers, with low prices for their produce. But there is a further problem when the historian of migration endeavours to employ extracts from letters to answer large issues concerning, in this case, settlement, assimilation, Englishness and Australian identity. These letters appear to show an English migrant woman navigating between her past and her present, as all migrants do.
Gibraltar has a very long history. There is archaeological evidence of human settlement on the peninsula stretching back several thousand years. This book focuses on the policing of entry and the regulations that Britain's colonial authorities put in place, also analysing the origins of those who did secure settlement in Gibraltar. This exercise is particularly necessary because the ethnicity of people in other places has been translated by them into a sense of national identity, and this has carried political implications. The second major theme of the book is to consider why settlers came and stayed. Several chapters explore aspects of the economic history of Gibraltar. First, the book discusses the demographic roots of Gibraltarian identity during the period 1704–1819, before turning to Gibraltar's fortress economy between 1704 and 1815 and its government and politics. It also looks at Gibraltar's economy and living standards in the nineteenth century.
The majority of those currently living in Gibraltar, and many of the Gibraltar-born who live outside, regard themselves as Gibraltarians, with a culture and identity sufficiently distinctive in their eyes to qualify Gibraltar as a nation. This chapter examines the demographic roots of Gibraltarian identity during the period 1704–1819. It argues that the most important phase for the emergence of the distinctive contribution of demography to Gibraltarian identity was the first century or so of British political control. It was then that the transfer of territorial sovereignty to Britain was secured and, just as important, confirmed, and in the same period substantial numbers of people from several places of origin sought to enter and settle. After considering war and the partition of Gibraltar during 1704–1705, the chapter describes opportunities for immigrants, military security and surveillance, censuses on British Protestants and the others in 1725–1816, and property ownership from 1712 to 1819.
This chapter explores the economic history of Gibraltar in the century or so after the allied occupation. Gibraltar was, of course, sufficiently attractive economically after 1704 to induce civilians to enter and settle, and eventually to bring up families there, but conditioning their experiences, positively and negatively, was the partition of Gibraltar, upon which stress has already been placed for its demographic consequences. It is difficult to trace precisely how, after 1704, the economy of Gibraltar developed and to say much that is exact about living standards during the first century or so of British rule, given the paucity of statistical data. Because the town of Gibraltar became a ‘free port’, there are not even sound figures for external trade. The chapter shows that the partition of the region of Gibraltar had very important consequences for the economy, occupations and living standards, and, by implication, for a common sense of identity among civilians. The principal determining factor was obviously the Treaty of Utrecht, which confirmed the transfer to Britain of sovereignty over the peninsula (only).
The military conquest of 1704 was followed by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement in Madrid. As a result, and consequent upon partition and the containment of allied troops behind the walls of a fortified town at the south end of an isthmus on the tip of southern Europe, the problem arose as to who would thereafter govern Gibraltar, and how. There was the question of whether the separation between Gibraltar and mainland Spain would be reversed and, if so, how and on what terms. This chapter examines Gibraltar's government and politics during 1704–1819. It looks at the territory as a British fortress, military rule, civilian politics, cooperation and protest, and civic self-government. The chapter also explores efforts to bring Gibraltar constitutionally into line with towns in Britain and indeed in other parts of the eighteenth-century colonial empire.