soldiers onto the streets of Northern Ireland as
a preventive measure to quell inter-communal disturbances between
Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists. The troops were initially
welcomed by the minority Catholic community after the souring of its
relationship with the RUC, despite later attempts by republicans to play
down the significance of the Catholicwomen who offered them tea and
sandwiches.13 While the British State had clear responsibilities upon the
outbreak of loyalist and republican violence, London instead chose to
continue its support for the
in foreign parts. They made up
only a very small proportion of emigrants, male or female, but they
are still part of the diaspora.
There was also missionary emigration, of Irish Catholicwomen in
particular, to convents in North America, India and Australia,
‘several thousand’ to the USA alone.26 Nuns, many of them Irish
originally, came to Ireland on recruiting drives. As early as 1840 Irish
Presentation Sisters established a convent in Madras, India. Sometimes religious emigration was chain migration, as aunts followed
nieces (and possibly nephews their uncles
’s, Green, 1868), p. 319.
Ibid., pp. 333–4.
Ibid., p. 341.
Ibid., p. 343.
Report on the welfare of Irish Catholic girls in Britain 1953, by Mrs Elizabeth
Fitzgerald, president Archdiocese of Westminster branch of CatholicWomen’s
League, National Archives Ireland, Department of the Taoiseach, S11582 Emigration.
6 Maguire, The Irish in America, p. 339.
7 M. E. Daly, The Slow Failure: Population Decline and Independent Ireland, 1920–1970
(Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), pp. 78–82.
M&H 01_Tonra 01 08/04/2014 07:13 Page 31
Being Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland and Canada
S. Karly Kehoe
. My opinion is somewhat different to those
expressed by Carmen Mangion and Susan O’Brien. See Mangion, Contested
Identities: CatholicWomen Religious in Nineteenth-Century England and Wales
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008) and S. O’Brien, ‘French nuns in
nineteenth-century England’, Past & Present, 54 (1997), 142–80.
6 S. K. Kehoe, Creating a Scottish Church: Catholicism, Gender and Ethnicity in NineteenthCentury Scotland (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010); S. K. Kehoe, ‘Irish
migrants and the recruitment of Catholic Sisters to Glasgow
prolonged crisis over self-government in Ireland. By 1927, the LOBA could boast of 23,665 members across
every province in Canada, comparing favourably to approximately 70,000
Orangemen in the Dominion.30 However, the heartland and birthplace of the
LOBA, Ontario, continued to have the greatest membership, comprising over a
third of the total number of lodges (see Table 9.1).
Echoing the findings of Charlotte Wildman in her chapter in this volume on
Irish-Catholicwomen in interwar Liverpool, the work carried out by members
of the LOBA was often highly gendered
‘Un paese tutto poetico’ – Byron in Italy, Italy in Byron
Alan Rawes and Diego Saglia
. Detailing and
exploring Byron’s experience of Italian friars, priests, cardinal legates,
a pope and, most importantly, Italian Catholicwomen, Beatty suggests that, in Catholic Italy, ‘spiritually, Byron found something sensible to grasp at’. Ranging across Byron’s poetic career, Beatty sees the
poet begin as a John Knox in response to Catholicism but progressively become not only a thinker of ‘theological precision’ but also a
‘sympathetic outsider and even insider’ to Italian Catholic experience.
Rather than approaching Byron’s much-
with the early
threatening of danger.72
The McCann case in Belfast had provoked widespread condemnation
of the decree, rioting in Belfast, and vehement opposition from the
Presbyterian church on 8 June 1911. In the same year St John G. Ervine’s
‘Mixed Marriage’ was performed at the Abbey Theatre Dublin.
In both the 1901 and the 1911 census, more than fourteen per cent
of Protestant men in Dublin were returned as married to Catholicwomen.73 Contemporary press reports also indicate that in a number
of intermarriage cases Protestant women, who had changed their religion and baptised their
sacrifice their religion for
the welfare of their children. ‘I love my Catholic religion,’ Mrs J., a widowed
mother of three, wrote in 1935 begging for assistance and pleading to the
Archbishop, ‘don’t drive me to the Church of England with my 3 orphans.’172
In working-class Ireland, ‘good mothering’ required religious tenacity and
social ingenuity: when children were ill-clad and underfed, principles offered cold comfort.
Not surprisingly in this climate, mixed marriages elicited considerable
attention. Catholicwomen who married Protestants were rarely denied assistance
idealized marriage and could cast scorn on single
people, especially never-married women.
If we turn to specific evidence of cases of women who experienced or had
thoughts about marriage formation and singlehood, we find illustrations of
the religious ambiguities that revolved around the processes of wedlock and
never marrying. Of course, Catholicwomen in England had long found a
ready religious avenue to pursue if they felt disinclined to have a husband,
as was the case for the noted mystic and nun of the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries, Mary Ward. Born
) opened an advisory office in Berlin, which ran training courses in public speaking for women and provided female speakers for many of the meetings held by the Protestant Church to educate women about the vote, as well as producing numerous leaflets and brochures. 28 In early December it agreed to work together with the Political Working Group of German CatholicWomen’s Associations to educate Christian women to vote in the forthcoming election. 29 The committee charged with the political education of women adopted the maxims ‘The right to vote means a duty to vote