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Aaron Edwards

soldiers onto the streets of Northern Ireland as a preventive measure to quell inter-communal disturbances between Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists. The troops were initially welcomed by the minority Catholic community after the souring of its relationship with the RUC, despite later attempts by republicans to play down the significance of the Catholic women who offered them tea and sandwiches.13 While the British State had clear responsibilities upon the outbreak of loyalist and republican violence, London instead chose to continue its support for the

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Caitriona Clear

in foreign parts. They made up only a very small proportion of emigrants, male or female, but they are still part of the diaspora. There was also missionary emigration, of Irish Catholic women in particular, to convents in North America, India and Australia, ‘several thousand’ to the USA alone.26 Nuns, many of them Irish originally, came to Ireland on recruiting drives. As early as 1840 Irish Presentation Sisters established a convent in Madras, India. Sometimes religious emigration was chain migration, as aunts followed nieces (and possibly nephews their uncles

in Social change and everyday life in Ireland 1850–1922
Why they matter
Mary E. Daly

’s, Green, 1868), p. 319. Ibid., pp. 333–4. Ibid., p. 341. Ibid., p. 343. Report on the welfare of Irish Catholic girls in Britain 1953, by Mrs Elizabeth Fitzgerald, president Archdiocese of Westminster branch of Catholic Women’s League, National Archives Ireland, Department of the Taoiseach, S11582 Emigration. 6 Maguire, The Irish in America, p. 339. 7 M. E. Daly, The Slow Failure: Population Decline and Independent Ireland, 1920–1970 (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), pp. 78–82. 1 2 3 4 5 M&H 01_Tonra 01 08/04/2014 07:13 Page 31 Irish women

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
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Being Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland and Canada
S. Karly Kehoe

. My opinion is somewhat different to those expressed by Carmen Mangion and Susan O’Brien. See Mangion, Contested Identities: Catholic Women Religious in Nineteenth-Century England and Wales (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008) and S. O’Brien, ‘French nuns in nineteenth-century England’, Past & Present, 54 (1997), 142–80. 6 S. K. Kehoe, Creating a Scottish Church: Catholicism, Gender and Ethnicity in NineteenthCentury Scotland (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010); S. K. Kehoe, ‘Irish migrants and the recruitment of Catholic Sisters to Glasgow

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Orangewomen in Canada, c. 1890–1930
D. A. J. MacPherson

prolonged crisis over self-government in Ireland. By 1927, the LOBA could boast of 23,665 members across every province in Canada, comparing favourably to approximately 70,000 Orangemen in the Dominion.30 However, the heartland and birthplace of the LOBA, Ontario, continued to have the greatest membership, comprising over a third of the total number of lodges (see Table 9.1). Echoing the findings of Charlotte Wildman in her chapter in this volume on Irish-Catholic women in interwar Liverpool, the work carried out by members of the LOBA was often highly gendered

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
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‘Un paese tutto poetico’ – Byron in Italy, Italy in Byron
Alan Rawes and Diego Saglia

. Detailing and exploring Byron’s experience of Italian friars, priests, cardinal legates, a pope and, most importantly, Italian Catholic women, Beatty suggests that, in Catholic Italy, ‘spiritually, Byron found something sensible to grasp at’. Ranging across Byron’s poetic career, Beatty sees the poet begin as a John Knox in response to Catholicism but progressively become not only a thinker of ‘theological precision’ but also a ‘sympathetic outsider and even insider’ to Italian Catholic experience. Rather than approaching Byron’s much-​ discussed engagement with the early

in Byron and Italy
June Cooper

threatening of danger.72 The McCann case in Belfast had provoked widespread condemnation of the decree, rioting in Belfast, and vehement opposition from the Presbyterian church on 8 June 1911. In the same year St John G. Ervine’s ‘Mixed Marriage’ was performed at the Abbey Theatre Dublin. In both the 1901 and the 1911 census, more than fourteen per cent of Protestant men in Dublin were returned as married to Catholic women.73 Contemporary press reports also indicate that in a number of intermarriage cases Protestant women, who had changed their religion and baptised their

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
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Maternal welfare and child health, 1920–40
Lindsey Earner-Byrne

sacrifice their religion for the welfare of their children. ‘I love my Catholic religion,’ Mrs J., a widowed mother of three, wrote in 1935 begging for assistance and pleading to the Archbishop, ‘don’t drive me to the Church of England with my 3 orphans.’172 In working-class Ireland, ‘good mothering’ required religious tenacity and social ingenuity: when children were ill-clad and underfed, principles offered cold comfort. Not surprisingly in this climate, mixed marriages elicited considerable attention. Catholic women who married Protestants were rarely denied assistance

in Mother and child
Singlehood in the patriarch’s household
Isaac Stephens

idealized marriage and could cast scorn on single people, especially never-married women. If we turn to specific evidence of cases of women who experienced or had thoughts about marriage formation and singlehood, we find illustrations of the religious ambiguities that revolved around the processes of wedlock and never marrying. Of course, Catholic women in England had long found a ready religious avenue to pursue if they felt disinclined to have a husband, as was the case for the noted mystic and nun of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, Mary Ward. Born

in The gentlewoman’s remembrance
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Helen Boak

) opened an advisory office in Berlin, which ran training courses in public speaking for women and provided female speakers for many of the meetings held by the Protestant Church to educate women about the vote, as well as producing numerous leaflets and brochures. 28 In early December it agreed to work together with the Political Working Group of German Catholic Women’s Associations to educate Christian women to vote in the forthcoming election. 29 The committee charged with the political education of women adopted the maxims ‘The right to vote means a duty to vote

in Women in the Weimar Republic