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Englishness, pop and The Smiths
Kari Kallioniemi

. It’s an absolute glorification of black supremacy.’48 This antipathy appeared to echo his adolescent experiences of black music: ‘Nineteen seventy-five was the worst year in social history. I blame Young Americans (by David Bowie) entirely. I hated that period – Disco Tex and the Sex-O-Lettes, Limmy and Family Cooking. So when punk came along, I breathed a sigh of relief. I met people. I’d never done that before.’49 He also jokingly spoke of his black pop conspiracy theories in the aforementioned interview, and his vitriolic and even childish diatribes against

in Why pamper life's complexities?
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A historiographical perspective
Susan Doran and Paulina Kewes

siècle witnessed growing alarm that an internal power struggle would ensue upon the Queen’s death which would attract foreign intervention, as had the recent war of succession in France about which a steady stream of news flowed from English presses.6 Protestants were obsessively scared of the intrusion of Spain;7 and during the later 1590s Catholics suspected that James would seek military support from the Protestant royal kin of his wife Anne of Denmark. Once again, we can see symmetry in the anxieties and conspiracy theories of the two rival confessions. On account

in Doubtful and dangerous
The Stuart claim
Richard A. McCabe

Trophees stand, of that exspected crowne?’42 What were English readers to make of that ‘exspected crowne’? Suppression of open discussion bred a hermeneutics of suspicion than infected everyone from Elizabeth and James, who maintained an active surveillance of the presses in both countries, to lowly subjects who scoured the literature for clues as to which way the wind was blowing. The atmosphere of secrecy nourished conspiracy theory: even Thomas Wilson, an otherwise hard-headed commentator who favoured James’s claim and deplored the prohibition on public discussion

in Doubtful and dangerous
Saturday
Dominic Head

easily or whether lessons will be learnt quickly; yet Halliday does identify ‘the root cause of this crisis’ as ‘intellectual’; as revealing, that is, ‘the lack of realistic education and democratic culture in a range of countries, such that irrational hatred and conspiracy theory prevail over reasoned critique’: The world will be lucky to have worked through the impact of these events and dealt with their causes in a hundred years. This is not, of course, a very long time in the span of human history, but it does suggest that a strong dose of resolve, clarity and

in Ian McEwan
British popular fiction and post-war uncertainties
George Simmers

-emphasises Jewish involvement in people-­ trafficking.31 Typically, popular fiction shifted the responsibility for prostitution away from the purchaser and on to the woman or the trafficker; to scapegoat Jews shifted the responsibility even more comfortably. The thriller writers developed existing myths and prejudices by representing the various perceived enemies of society as linked together, a fantasy v 71 v The silent morning that has its roots in wartime rumours about the subversive ‘Hidden Hand’. The most notorious public eruption of these conspiracy theories occurred when

in The silent morning
Julie V. Gottlieb

on political grounds. As an international suffragist she repeatedly made the point that democracy and a ‘woman-­made’ peace was impossible as so many countries failed to enfranchise women, and however ideal an international women’s peace movement may be, composed of the mothers of the world, the hope was futile as long as women remained disenfranchised. She articulated this formula of feminism/democracy/anti-­Nazism throughout the 1930s, and evoked it with greater purpose in her bid to contest the Cliveden set conspiracy theory. As she put Conservative women

in Rethinking right-wing women
Abstract only
Olivier Esteves

properties in the area “which were likely to be bought introduction 13 by coloured people”. In mid-August 1963, two months before Boyle’s visit, the General Purposes Committee of the Town Council was presented with a petition by 625 residents claiming that the town must use “compulsory purchase powers to buy up vacant houses”, in order to prevent these houses from being bought by immigrants.58 The general feeling bought into conspiracy theories of some “peaceful penetration” of Indians aided by the “folly” of “liberal do-gooders”. In late August 1963, Ealing

in The “desegregation” of English schools
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How London and Birmingham said no to dispersal
Olivier Esteves

emerge socially and academically handicapped”.85 Without buying into conspiracy theories, this could be seen as a means for those with power to regulate the quantity and type of education and use a “strategic maintenance of ignorance”86 directed at subordinate groups expected to become a reserve array of labour in a growingly globalised economy. Notes 1 Quoted in Hill and Issacharoff, Community Action and Race Relations, p. 48. 2 Grosvenor, Assimilating Identities, p. 97. 3 See, for instance, Guardian, 11.2.1967. 4 Birmingham City Library (Wolfson Centre), IWA (UK

in The “desegregation” of English schools
Abstract only
Peter Lake

were not only the endless cycle of mutual excoriation generated by warring conspiracy theories but also a mode of politic analysis that could be applied just as well to the parliament as to the wider political scene. On Millstone’s account, Sir John Eliot’s Negotium posterorum was but part of what was projected as a politic history of parliament since Elizabeth’s reign, an account intended to explicate the nature of the current conjuncture and what to do about it, as well as provide an apologia for Eliot’s own conduct and present predicament. Nor were such activities

in Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England
Kropotkin’s rejection of anti
Peter Ryley

International Arbitration League. According to Paul Laity, the historian of the British peace movement, Cremer was hardly a good role model for his ideas. Argumentative, divisive and with a fearsome temper, he was described by the positivist E.S. Beesly as ‘one of the dirtiest scoundrels that the working class has turned up lately’.14 Rumours of financial impropriety hung round him and he was inclined to indulge in anti-Semitic conspiracy theories. Nevertheless, he was later elected as a Liberal MP, knighted and, in 1903, became the third recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize

in Anarchism, 1914–18