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Colonialism in the photographs and letters of the young cosmopolitan Carl Heinrich Becker, 1900–2

untangling the complicated web of relations between science and colonialism in an era when Germany was establishing dedicated colonial sciences. 68 The time of ‘armchair scholarship’ was over, and men like Becker, personally linked to Germany's political class, having read the works of Mungo Park and carried Kipling's novels in their travel libraries, 69 brought back vivid impressions from their expeditions. Besides the social networks they established, the most important impact of

in Savage worlds
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Sins, psyche, sex

Germany, 1890–1990 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), p. 3. 95 Ibid., p. 155; David B. Dennis, Beethoven in German Politics, 1870–1989 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 22. 96 Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy , pp. 9

in Livingstone’s ‘Lives’
Open Access (free)
The discovery, commemoration and reinterment of eleven Alsatian victims of Nazi terror, 1947– 52

: Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 282. 10 Lagrou, The Legacy of Nazi Occupation, pp. 279–​80. 11 Vergangenheitspolitik or ‘politics of the past’ refers to West German political leaders’ approach to the memory and legacies of the recent National Socialist period. Political parties were divided on the issue. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) led by Konrad Adenauer focused on reintegrating and reconciling former Nazis to the democratic West German government at the expense of confronting Germans’ roles in the Third Reich and justice for its victims. The Social Democratic Party

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression

united Germany suggested by the Soviet Union in the early 1950s. A new Germany including the eastern part would have given added weight to the nascent Social Democratic Party and a MUP_Torbion_02_Ch2 26 22/9/03, 12:32 pm 1950s: reconstruction and reconciliation 27 stronger communist role in German politics – and would perhaps even have carried the risk of a coup d’état along the lines of that in Czecho15 slovakia in 1948. The declaration of the day of the East Berlin uprising – 17 June – as a national day of the Federal Republic, and the 1949 Grundgesetz, which

in Destination Europe
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Limits and possibilities of the new consensus
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

into account. The analysis has indicated, that domestic support will materialise when it comes to engaging the Bundeswehr alongside the armed forces of major allies as a last resort in managing crises that entail large-scale ethnic violence or abuse of human rights. Such interventions will appear legitimate to politicians across the German political spectrum. The composite consensus, however, will not sustain a potential policy of unilateral deployments of the Bundeswehr outside of established organisational frameworks. It will also prove shaky where a German

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

how German military leaders described the ideal peace keeper – a description corresponding closely to the image of civilised soldiers that dominated the German political discourse throughout the late 1990s.43 There are no systematic comparative studies of the style of German, British, French, and American peacekeepers. Thus, strong conclusions about whether the German style was singular are not warranted. However, in the perception of a number of political–military elites in Berlin, Paris, and Washington, the Bundeswehr took an approach that differed from the

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
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since 1949’, German Politics, 5, 1 (April 1996), p. 26. 5 Stuart Wavell, ‘Apartheid in the UK? They’re Having a Genetic Joke’, Sunday Times News Review, 23 July 2006, p. 7. 6 Whilst the findings of opinion polls have to be approached with some care, a Gallup poll conducted in August 1945 in Britain revealed a mixed response to the question ‘What are your feelings at the present time towards the German people?’. Whilst 21% of those asked indicated ‘hatred’ and 14% indicated ‘dislike’, it is significant that 25% expressed ‘sympathy’. See George H. Gallup (ed

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70

Politics and Territorial Representation in the Federal Republic of Germany,” West European Politics 22, no. 2 (April 1999), pp. 159–161; for a somewhat similar view, see Roland Sturm, “Party Competition and the Federal System: The Lehmbruch Hypothesis Revisited,” in Recasting German Federalism, edited by Charlie Jeffery (London and New York: Pinter, 1999), pp. 197–216. 48 Stephen J. Silvia, “Reform Gridlock and the Role of the Bundesrat in German Politics,” West European Politics 22 (April 1999), pp. 167–181. 49 This section is based on Uwe Leonardy, “The Working

in The Länder and German federalism
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: ‘Euthanasia’ in Germany 1900–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); P. Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Naziism, 1870–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). 48 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance; B. Müller-­Hill, Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies and Others: Germany 1933–1945, trans. G.R. Fraser (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Proctor, Racial Hygiene; W. Wolfensberger, ‘The extermination of handicapped people in World War II Germany’, Mental Retardation 19

in Framing the moron
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German and British soldiers at the Armistice

had its roots not only in the divisions perpetuated by the Versailles demands. Reconciliation also failed because the conditions in which the Armistice was arranged led many in the 1920s and 1930s to reject the Allied victory as neither decisive nor final. Particularly for those on the German political right, the argument that capitulation had come about not through Allied military superiority but rather as the result of insidious British propaganda, Bolshevik agitation or the weakness and disloyalty of the home front provided a basis on which to assert that the

in The silent morning