Search results

including Antrim and Down.2 Similarly, the Lord Lieutenant, Cornwallis, expressed his deepening concern over affairs in the two counties in a series of letters to the Home Secretary.3 Accounts from both counties found the public mind increasingly disturbed; meetings were held and rumours widely circulated that the yeomanry would be disarmed and murdered prior to an insurrection scheduled for the New Year. More ominously, the disaffected felled timber, raided loyalists’ homes for arms, and assassinated several persons who had given evidence against United Irishmen.4 A

in In the wake of the great rebellion

people called to consider ‘any Petition, complaint ­… or other address to the King or to parliament, for alteration of matters established in Church or state’. Exempt from this prohibition were county meetings called by the Lord Lieutenant or by two justices of the peace ‘or any meeting of any city, borough or town corporate called by the Mayor or other head officer’ and parish vestry meetings. Large meetings could be held if notice were given five days before ‘by public advertisement in some public newspaper’ by at least seven householders. Meetings without notice

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848
Conciliation and division

distress in Ireland. A series of relief measures introduced by Peel’s government had ensured that nobody died in the first year of food shortages, but suffering was extensive. A number of people in Ireland believed that the impact of the shortages would be lessened if the Irish ports were ‘closed’ as a means of limiting the vast amount of food, particularly corn, that was continuing to leave Ireland.7 Such a demand was concurrently being made by the Lord Lieutenant, Daniel O’Connell (who was a member of the Mansion House [Relief] Committee) and the leaders of Young

in Repeal and revolution
A tough but necessary measure?

Proscription is woven through the historical course of the Northern Ireland conflict. At the end of the nineteenth century, in an effort to exert greater control over unrest in Ireland, the British government passed the Criminal Law and Procedure (Ireland) Act, 1887. This served to extend the criminal code to allow the senior administrator, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the power to declare organisations ‘dangerous’ and thereby to ban them. The Irish National League was the first such group to be ‘proclaimed’ under the legislation. The order, when put before Parliament

in Banning them, securing us?

developments. As illustrated, the presidential scheme had been in the firmament for several decades prior to Sidney’s appointment, gaining adherents among high-­ ranking officials such as Walter Cowley, William Brabazon and Thomas Cusack, as well as lesser-known officials such as Thomas Walshe. Most importantly it had been championed by Sussex in his extensive policy documents of the early 1560s. The fact that even critics of the lord lieutenant, notably William Bermingham, were in agreement that provincial presidents ought to be appointed demonstrates that an overwhelming

in Debating Tudor policy in sixteenth-century Ireland
Abstract only
Easter 1916 to winter 1918

, among other things, a successor to the Lord Lieutenancy.26 Dillon’s surprising decision to remain in Dublin in the aftermath of the Rising, however, requires some analysis. As stated, Dillon was the only member of the inner leadership to be in Dublin during the Rising. He had witnessed at first hand the fighting and its consequences. His house had soldiers and the relatives of captured rebels alike crossing its threshold and he had been in closer than ever contact with the government authorities in Ireland as a result of the crisis.27 In light of this, surely Dillon

in The Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster, 1900–18
Open Access (free)
The cartographic consciousness of Irish gothic fiction

suggests a deep-seated concern with exclusively Irish, not British, national valorisation. Recommending Amana to the attention of Elizabeth Percy, the Countess of Northumberland, whose husband acted as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1763 to 1765, Griffith reminds Percy of her family lineage, extolling ‘the names of Percy and Seymour ’ as virtually synonymous with ‘Liberty’ and ‘Glory’ ( Amana , [p. v]). She moreover praises Percy herself for her ‘humanity, benevolence and affability’, calling the latter ‘the characteristic of true nobility, in opposition to that

in The gothic novel in Ireland, c. 1760–1829
Open Access (free)
The clergy and emigration in principle

Famine than they had been before.111 Several of them contacted government officials to register their feelings on the matter. A ‘resident rector’ of Leinster wrote to the Lord Lieutenant’s office in favour,112 and in a later address to the new Lord Lieutenant, the Remonstrant Synod of Ulster (a body of non-subscribing Presbyterians) called for ‘a well-regulated and extensive system of colonisation’.113 Set against this were an Anglican minister from Cavan who brought up the familiar Malthusian objection to emigration – ‘it is like tapping the dropsical patient […] the

in Population, providence and empire
Abstract only
The Irish dimension

first-hand experience of Irish conditions, such as Randolph Churchill who had been secretary to the Irish Lord Lieutenant. 5 Viceroys from Ripon to Lansdowne were very aware of Irish conditions. 6 There were personages such as Antony MacDonnell who, after his return from India, was deeply immersed in both Indian and Irish affairs and had the ear of no less a patron than King

in Servants of the empire
Remembering the Ulster Special Constabulary at the National Memorial Arboretum

all fallen UK police officers, while being led through the cathedral by a lone piper from the Royal Irish Regiment. The USC Historical Platoon, ‘immaculately dressed in their 1920s uniforms’, provided a guard of honour outside the cathedral. The highlight of the day, for one USCA member interviewed, was the ‘dedication service and the unveiling of the obelisk which was carried out by late President and ex-District Commandant, Comrade William John McFarlane, who was ninety years of age, accompanied by the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Staffordshire, who was an ex

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain