from England, the Mediterranean garrisons and India. As early
as 3 July Wolseley intimated that he planned to advance on Cairo along
the Sweetwater Canal from Ismailia, a route 45 miles shorter than that
from Alexandria. He hoped to deceive Arabi by initially deploying forces
near Alexandria and by conducting active operations in that vicinity. 5
This book is a collection of essays that offers a new lens through which to examine Spain's cinematic production following the decades of isolation imposed by the Franco regime. The films analysed span a period of some 40 years that have been crucial in the development of Spain, Spanish democracy and Spanish cinema. The book offers a new lens to examine Spain's cinematic production following the decades of isolation imposed by the Franco regime. The figure of the auteur jostles for attention alongside other features of film, ranging from genre, intertexuality and ethics, to filmic language and aesthetics. At the heart of this project lies an examination of the ways in which established auteurs and younger generations of filmmakers have harnessed cinematic language towards a commentary on the nation-state and the politics of historical and cultural memory. The films discussed in the book encompass different genres, both popular and more select arthouse fare, and are made in different languages: English, Basque, Castilian, Catalan, and French. Regarded universally as a classic of Spanish arthouse cinema, El espíritu de la colmena/The Spirit of the Beehive has attracted a wealth of critical attention which has focused on political, historical, psychological and formal aspects of Víctor Erice's co-authored film-text. Luis Bunuel's Cet obscur objet du désir/That Obscure Object of Desire, Catalan filmmaker Ventura Pons' Ocana. Retrat Intermitent/Ocana. An Intermittent Portrait, Francisco Franco's El Dorado, Víctor Erice's El sol del membrillo/The Quince Tree Sun, and Julio Medem's Vacas/Cows are some films that are discussed.
not lead to the
feared ‘domino effect’ of communist takeovers in the region, but instead
exposed rifts among communist powers. In Western Europe, too, communism became more diversified with the rise of more reformist ‘eurocommunist’ movements in Italy and elsewhere.
The nine-member EEC became the ‘Twelve’ as it accepted three new
Mediterranean members: Greece in 1981 and Portugal and Spain in
1986. It thereby became more of a political, and less of a purely economic, institution, since all the three new members were considerably
poorer than the existing Nine and
of the Roman Mithras
cult – mithraea – in Rome and Ostia. In 1947, while Vermaseren was
still in Rome, Cumont died, and his pupil was regarded as the rightful
person to succeed Cumont in continuing the studies of ancient ‘oriental’
religion in the Mediterranean (Roos, 1950–51).7
With the more or less simultaneous appointment of Van Essen and
rise of Vermaseren in 1947, the Netherlands Institute in Rome suddenly
increased its archaeological standing and potential. Meanwhile, diplomatic ties between Italy and The Netherlands were strengthened in a
general climate of
The British Red Cross and the Spanish refugees of 1939
In late January 1939, almost 500,000 Spanish refugees, roughly half of whom were retreating Spanish Republican soldiers, fled into France, escaping the advancing Nationalist army after the fall of Catalonia. Across the border, the refugees were indiscriminately sorted into concentration camps on the beaches of the Mediterranean. Surrounded by barbed wire with only the sand for shelter for several weeks, many refugees felt their situation was due to the Non-Intervention Agreement signed by their current host, France, and its ally Britain. While France was
difference between domestic and
mortuary ceramics. Hanna extended this proposition not only to China
ROBERTS 9781526134554 PRINT.indd 162
When the modern was too new163
but also to Scandinavian Neolithic and other areas, for example the
Mediterranean regions and further east. She also reached the conclusion that the ornamentation of mortuary pottery had a dual symbolic
meaning: life and death. These may seem incompatible, and to explore
that alleged contradiction Hanna wrote this new article, turning to ‘the
ethnographical sphere’ (Rydh, 1931: 69
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
Treaty of Rome, the EU has changed
dramatically in a variety of ways in a short period of time. The discussion
here will examine these changes over the period between 1985 and 2015.
It is also important to note that the number of EU member states has
quadrupled since it was created in 1957. It could be argued that this has
resulted in a decline in the power held by each individual member state. In
1986 Spain and, to a lesser extent, Portugal brought a Mediterranean
influence into EU politics. This was later balanced out by further enlargement in 1995 which saw Austria
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.