Open Access (free)
A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt

the recommendations would serve, if implemented, to reverse some of the negative externalities that result from a debt-based economy and the perpetual growth it requires, none offers a way to counter the power that capital represents. In this final chapter we want to offer, first, twelve solutions, most reflecting those proposed by others, that would become a political platform of a Party of the 99% (see Di Muzio 2015). We will then suggest the steps necessary to implement these proposals and a political strategy based on the idea that debt is a technology of power

in Debt as Power

4 Theatrical hierarchy, cultural capital and the legitimate/illegitimate divide Caroline Radcliffe T hroughout the 1866 hearings of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Theatrical Licensing, the performance of dramatic sketches in music halls had been fiercely debated and contested.1 When the proceedings of the Select Committee on Dramatic Literature re-opened the debate in 1892, tensions had escalated between the figureheads of the respective industries over the cultural, hierarchical and economic interests of the legitimate theatre and the music halls. This

in Politics, performance and popular culture

same time he kept his distance from the everyday and demeaning world of work . . . Working for money, as opposed to making it, was associated with dependence and cultural inferiority.’ 4 Cain and Hopkins thus see a close relationship between imperial capital and landed wealth. As being a ‘gentlemanly capitalist’ required not only sufficient financial resources, but also the acquisition of landed property

in Country houses and the British Empire, 1700–1930
Instituting the Capital–Labour Exchange in the United Kingdom

4 Making People Work for Wages: Instituting the Capital–Labour Exchange in the United Kingdom The emergence of large-scale industrial production and waged labour changed the face of the world from the late eighteenth century onwards: the industrial revolution. Making workers sell their labour to capitalists owning factories was at the centre of this great transformation, although, as we propose in the next chapter, only in conjunction with modern and capitalist slavery in the New World. In MEAB, it was argued that the conception of an abstracted and closed

in Inequality and Democratic Egalitarianism

reinforced during slack periods when employment dwindles to a trickle and access to work becomes more uneven and competitive. The bewildering mix of interlocking labour, land, credit and commodity markets is nothing new (Bharadwaj 1985; Lerche 1999; Srivastava 1989), but it has become much less common in contemporary India. Such forms of exploitation are indicative of a situation where the balance of class forces is particularly skewed towards capital, which allows it to increase the rate of exploitation, as helps it to subvert pro-labour elements of social policy.11 In

in Labour, state and society in rural India
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two great trading oceans of the Pacific and the Atlantic. Their failure, so devastating in loss of life and capital, had serious economic and political implications for Scotland, and also had the effect of increasing the population of Jamaica, whence some of the survivors fled. 14 It is clear that in Scotland the idea of imperial engagement was not just an eighteenth-century phenomenon

in Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world 1750–1820
A tale of two cities

geographically that the history of Brussels only makes sense when told as a ‘tale of two cities’. In the timespan covered in this chapter, the nature of Brussels’ relationship with Paris was deeply affected by the repeated succession of political regimes. Evidently these changes involved all Belgian towns, but for Brussels it often meant a dramatic shift in status and prestige. This gives the history of the Belgian capital a distinctive quality, with flows of cultural forms and patterns of appropriation remarkably shifting in geographical direction and intensity over time, but

in Leisure cultures in urban Europe, c.1700–1870

assimilation into France, exploited by the royal governor, who aspired to reconstruct the ancient duchy of Brittany.3 Nantes played a central role in the Bretons’ rebellion against the crown. In Charles Laronze’s view, the League was above all else an urban movement, where the Breton towns fought in defence of their commercial interests, political privileges and religious beliefs. From 1589 Nantes became Mercoeur’s ‘capital’, the site of the League’s provincial administration with a parlement and Chambre des Comptes. The city wanted to become the capital of Brittany, to

in Authority and society in Nantes during the French wars of religion, 1559–98

lifestyles, investment opportunities and privileged mobilities. Concomitantly, while discussions of diaspora in Ireland have shifted from the Robinson-era rehabilitation of transnational affect and historical bonds to considerations of the ‘Global Irish’ as a diasporic network of expertise, investment, and political and cultural capital (Boyle and Kitchin, 2008), the transnational connections inhabited by those moving to and dwelling in Ireland are largely disavowed in policy and official discourse. By way of example, the government strategy document on integration

in Migrations
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1 Introduction Can you tell me, Socrates, whether virtue is acquired by teaching or by practice; or if neither by teaching nor practice, then whether it comes to man by nature, or in what other way? (Plato, Meno) Is it possible to fight persistent values of distrust? Is it poss­ ible to support the development of generalised trust between citizens through public action from above, through civic education? Fukuyama once described the accumulation of social capital as ‘a complicated and in many ways mysterious cultural pro­ cess. While governments can enact

in Cultural warfare and trust