Open Access (free)

If he is known for anything other than his writings, James Baldwin is best known for his work as a civil rights activist. What is often overlooked is Baldwin’s work toward uniting two under-represented and oppressed groups: African Americans and homosexuals. With his first novel, Go Tell It on the Mountain, Baldwin began a career of speaking about and for homosexuals and their relationship with the institutions of African-American communities. Through its focus on a sensitive, church-going teenager, Go Tell It on the Mountain dramatizes the strain imposed upon homosexual members of African-American communities within the Pentecostal Church through its religious beliefs.

James Baldwin Review

Wicklow, Redmond told Irish Nationalists that they should take care that Irish valour proved itself on the fields of battle – ‘not only in Ireland itself, but wherever the firing line extends, in defence of right, of freedom and religion in this war’.5 Throughout Ireland, nationalist fervour mingled with anger at the tactics employed by the Germans. Patriotism and moral outrage combined 98 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland to produce not only justification for the war but a moral obligation to enlist.6 In 1914, for example, Tom Kettle, former MP for East

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925

the Vatican with a telegram stating only: ‘Insurrection happily terminated. Insurgents have surrendered unconditionally. Hope peace soon re-established.’1 That left the bishops free to grapple with events in Ireland on their own. paralysed.2 It was impossible, for example, to organise a relief effort for those left destitute by the shelling in Dublin for fear of ‘incurring an imputation of favouring, in any way, the authors of the unfortunate attempt’. In the end 114 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland nothing was done. The bishops confined themselves

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only

, sent a representative and urged the Irish bishops to do the same.8 Logue informed Michael Kelly, Rector of the Irish College, that the jubilee was not so much a personal homage to the Queen as it was a celebration of the prosperity which England had enjoyed during the past sixty years. ‘As you well know’, he said, ‘Ireland has had no share in this progress 194 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland and prosperity’. To send a representative from the clergy, he went on, would be viewed as a declaration that the Irish remained content under English rule.9

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only

mumbled by the smug Protestantism of English Liberals; but bid your followers to arise and maintain the discipline of the Catholic Church’.5 When Parnell was named in the O’Shea divorce case, however, there was a marked reluctance on the part of the bishops to side against him. Although the divorce case began at the end of 1889, Parnell was not named until 1890. Tim Healy, MP for North Louth, recalled in his memoirs his wonder at the spirit of incredulity maintained by the bishops about something that was almost common knowledge.6 Indeed, L. P. Curtis has suggested that

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925

states emerging in Europe from the ruins of the Russian, German and Austrian empires. ‘To Catholics’, he wrote, ‘it is a matter of indifference what forms these new governments may take’. Benedict XV had decreed that that Church was averse to no form of government provided it was ‘legitimately and peacefully established and not in conflict with the law of God from whom all authority comes’. As Logue cautiously circled the new Government in Dublin, his overriding concern remained that conflict should be avoided. Although not a republican, Logue was still committed to the

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only
Catholicism as System in Charles Maturin‘s Melmoth the Wanderer

This essay casts a new light on the anti-Catholicism of Charles Robert Maturin‘s gothic novel Melmoth the Wanderer by reading it as part of a larger assault on systems in the wake of the French Revolution. Maturin‘s attack on the stupendous system of Catholicism contributes to a broader conservative polemic against all forms of international governance. Melmoth the Wanderer‘s portrait of the Church offers us an early instance of modern conservatisms archnemesis: an international system that conspires to rule the world.

Gothic Studies

This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral Minority

In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism. Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen, from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches. The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority” and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars. For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent” (1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and transgression in the context of the Reagan era.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

photographs gathered by UNMISS showed that the capture of Leer had been immediately followed by the destruction of large parts of the town, primarily by fire, including public infrastructure, markets, churches and local housing ( UNMISS, 2014 : 47). In the days that followed, government armed forces pursued the population in the surrounding areas, forcing the displaced, including MSF staff, to retreat deeper and deeper into the bush. After trying to hide the cars, which were quickly stolen by

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs