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to the impact of air travel on climate change. The two sentences of its manifesto devoted to aviation simply stated that its ‘guiding objectives’ in the domain of air transport were to be ‘fair competition, safety and environmental standards’, before adding that it ‘want[ed] all British carriers to be able to compete fairly in the interests of consumers’.1 Its transport policy priorities lay elsewhere, namely the reversal of the Conservative road-building programme; following widespread protest against that programme, its reversal had become the public benchmark of

in The politics of airport expansion in the United Kingdom
America, Europe, and the crises of the 1970s

National Security Council, too, was gaining in status. 28 Further, alongside the progression of the war in Vietnam since 1965, Europe no longer remained the exclusive focus of US world politics; and the traditionally Europhile East Coast establishment had, since the mid-1960s, been losing its dominant position. 29 By the early 1970s, economic questions had moved to the centre of transatlantic dispute, with President Nixon and Henry Kissinger speaking publicly about ‘rivalry’ and ‘competition’ between the United States and Europe. 30 That would have been unthinkable

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
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Conservatives and Conservatism

Conservatism, the party and the nation require revision even if the idea of the ‘Conservative nation’ remains a useful one. The following four chapters are concerned mainly with the way in which those flows of sympathy now issue in different patterns of politics in the Conservative Party. Chapter 4 assesses the changing influence on party competition of class and nation, especially how this influences the Conservative Party’s electoral identity. The next three chapters reflect the impact on the Conservative nation of the British, English and European Questions. A postscript

in The Conservative Party and the nation

leadership appear unable to cope with such rifts. Having explored the influence of party-centric factors, the analysis then turned its attention to examining the impact of contextual factors on the right-wing extremist party vote. Chapter 4 considered the effects of different patterns of party competition on the electoral fortunes of the parties of the extreme right. In a first section it investigated the ideological proximity of the parties of the mainstream right, and sought to ascertain whether the positions of these mainstream competitors affected the right

in The extreme right in Western Europe

In 1942, Barclays Bank (Dominion, Colonial and Overseas) launched an essay competition for its staff on the subject of ‘The Bank in relation to post-war colonial development’. In modern business parlance, this ‘knowledge management’ exercise evinces an interesting insight into capitalist concerns and ideas in relation to colonial economic

in Developing Africa

5 Only the strong: Highland Games It has been a good day in Puster Valley. The mountain sun and healthy pints of Tyrolean beer have made the Highlanders’ faces shine. Now the hills are bathed in evening light, the bar works triple shifts, swords and pitchforks are safely tucked away. A folk band has taken to the open air stage, kilts are flying, and the dancing begins. The South Tyrolean Highland Games have been a grand success, even if who has won the competitions remains a mystery to most. Many warriors have skipped the award ceremony in order to get a bite

in Warrior dreams
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Epistemological finitude or infinite freedom?

). From the 1980s onwards new shortterm (precarious) employment relations, the dwindling purchasing power of regularly employed labour, the rise of rapidly shifting technologies and the opening of international competition in the manufacturing and, increasingly, in the service sectors have meant that the former contract, however uneasy, between capital and labour has been broken. The emergence of a new ideology, neoliberalism, which has argued that the rolling back of the state, curbing the bargaining power of trade unions and reducing social-welfare programmes are

in Neoliberal power and public management reforms

dissolution of the Soviet Union. But as the gap between the demand and domestic supply of oil widened in both countries, the oil-producing states of Central Asia took on a new significance. Both the Chinese and American governments have sought privileged access to this region for their national oil firms.3 Sino-American competition in this region began in earnest in 1994.4 China seemed to be better positioned initially, owing to successive annual summit meetings with the regional oil-producing states – Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. These meetings resulted

in Limiting institutions?
Problems of polysemy and idealism

material aspects of economic life and in presenting an overly benign view which underestimates the instrumentality of most economic relations. Finally, I conclude with a reminder of the political significance of explanations of markets and competition. The multiple meanings of ‘market’1 If we are to discuss market relations and competition, we need to be clear on what the former involve. However, such is the variety of uses of the term ‘market’ that it is important to distinguish them if we are not to talk at crossed purposes. As Maureen Mackintosh observes, these are

in Market relations and the competitive process
Jousts, shooting fraternities and Chambers of rhetoric

practising of their skills within towns and in competitions against guilds from other towns, remained central to their activities. But the festive nature of these occasions – the banqueting, selection of new ‘kings’, and the ludic quality of archery practice (such as toppling wooden popinjays from tall poles) – suggests a social function which went well beyond

in Court and civic society in the Burgundian Low Countries c.1420–1530