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cure. Most women wore their parumas, but three or four appeared in a non-indigenous skirt, while a couple of middle-aged Emberá men were dressed ‘like the pastor’ – that is, with light long trousers supported by a thin leather belt and a short-sleeved shirt (in conservative light-brown or grey colours). We all sang religious songs, and – given that the worship was taking place at the home of the Emberá – a couple of women sang Christian songs with Emberá lyrics. Enthused by the Emberá lyrics, which I saw as a sign of the resilience of Emberá culture and its ability

in Exoticisation undressed
Abstract only

family. Neither the rights of children as espoused in the 1919 Democratic Programme nor the ‘sanctity of the family’ advocated in the 1937 Constitution represented reality for poor families. In relation to education, health, institutionalisation and welfare, financial and religious concerns superseded the welfare of families. Only after the horrific social and economic conditions for working-class families came to the fore during the Emergency period did the State consider providing a meagre financial sum to support large families. Yet even this measure was limited by

in The cruelty man
Abstract only
Migrants into minorities

complaints can be aired and negotiated. Yet, many cultural issues also involve private-sphere intangibles like family honour, the roles of men and women, relations between parents and children, traditional modes of prayer, community, and the secularism of the European public sphere. While existing divisions between public and private and between secular and religious are historically more consensual and dominant for majority communities, minority groups lack these distinctions. Minorities are also more likely to retreat into the private sphere, inviting accusations of non

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
The next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–1951

10 ‘We never trained our children to be socialists’: the next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–19511 John Shepherd The Christian socialist, pacifist, feminist, anti-imperialist and republican, George Lansbury MP – at the helm of the Labour Party from 1932 to 1935 – was imprisoned twice for his political beliefs.2 He recalled that in 1913 at least six children from his large family were in prison or in danger of going to jail for their political activities during the struggle for ‘votes for women’.3 The eldest, Annie and William, served one and two

in Labour and working-class lives

historical regularity with which irenic teaching has been appropriated by what Martin calls ‘the struggle for dominance and its associated codes of honour and face’. They also have in common an acceptance that the boundaries between the religious and the secular are porous. For much contemporary scholarship, ‘religion as such is a dubious catch-all category’ (Martin). ‘For about fifty

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times

size, while those who attend less often have a smaller family ideal family size. This finding is of interest in light of the findings of Lunn et al. (2009) to the effect that religion is an important factor in the number of children people have. However, in their study, the 160 The effect of family status on well-being effect of religion was measured in terms of religious affiliation (e.g., Catholic, Muslim, etc.), while in the present study we have looked at frequency of church or other religious attendance. The significance of variables such as autonomy and

in Changing gender roles and attitudes to family formation in ireland

applied to women and men, and female police officers needed to be introduced into the Garda Síochana. All of these items had been recommended by the Carrigan Committee, and an identical resolution was passed by the United Council of Christian Churches and Religious Communions in Ireland. Both were sent to the Minister of Justice and both were rejected. With regard to the influence of Catholic organisations, it appears they had an effect on the ministerial committee and the final legislation passed; however, it also appears that the State was attempting to impose its own

in The cruelty man
A comparison

Irish nationalists had some success, as did the Conservatives in certain areas of north-west England populated by (often Catholic) ‘working-class Tories’. Although various social organisations did become more class specific in their membership and a former mix of classes disappeared after 1870, as in the case of the Volunteers’ Associations in Edinburgh, working-class and middle-class club and society members continued to participate in one and the same religious and church activities in many parts of Britain.16 What struck on-looking German contemporaries who lived

in Labour and working-class lives
Working-class English associational culture

Mollys.29 At the community and neighbourhood level, however, there was a different perspective. It caused some bitterness among the English and Welsh that Irishmen and women with no apparent connection to the Mollys kept quiet about the identities of men they knew were involved, while ‘two of the known murderers and their families were quietly spirited away from the processes of the law’.30 Such rumours merely enforced the general climate of conflict that saw Cornish and Welsh miners demonstrate little panCeltic brotherhood towards the Irish on account of religious

in The English diaspora in North America

. They also provide meals to very poor villages for religious festival days. Islamic Relief’s foothold in the north then enabled it to start a programme in the far more densely populated south of Mali, and to set up a national head office in the capital, Bamako. 3 The main aim of my visit to Rharous last March was to investigate whether an Islamic charity has special advantages when

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times