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Reserved men at work

, the occasional bomb, We are sick and tired, but carry on . . . Women also work in this man’s domain To help the war effort, they explain. They swear and smoke and toil like men, This place will never be the same again.1 Ron Spedding, who started in a railway wagon works in Durham in 1940 aged sixteen and then remained there for the next forty-​two years, evokes in his poem what war work meant to him. It speaks of the construction of masculinity in working-​class jobs and of male identities in wartime. Working-​class masculinity oozes from the lines in this ‘hard

in Men in reserve
Municipal culture in post-war Manchester

the power of the localities.6 They were connected to the local political process, dominated cultural and economic structures and maintained a strong sense of civic tradition. The policies and the rhetoric symbolised the power 154 People, places and identities and vision of the rising middle classes. They parodied the elites and governing authorities in the ancient cities of Greece and Rome.7 Local elites used the cultural capital acquired through civic attainments to underpin their own status.8 In the nineteenth century, leading political, social and economic

in People, places and identities
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in terms of a dispute over two contested national identities, unionism versus nationalism, and it is these two differing interpretations of ethnonational identity which lie at the heart of the present conflict. The results presented here show that the conflict is not totally bipolar. Among those who see themselves as British, a significant minority do not describe

in Conflict to peace
Crafting a study on Britain’s Black middle class

essentially ‘types’ of cultural repertoires is especially important within this book, as it allows us to see how Black middle-class people construct, and are guided by, repertoires that work to contest (counter racial ideologies) or reproduce the racial hierarchy (racial ideologies). The dynamics of racism, anti-racism, cultural repertoires, and cultural capital are tied together in this book’s theory of a triangle of Black middle-class identity. The argument presented in this book is that people towards each Black middle-class identity mode (strategic assimilation

in Black middle class Britannia

identity of the collective. When new identities are being attempted or old ones attacked, one aspect of the fluidity involved is uncertainty as to the boundaries between public and private, or even of the meaningfulness of the two terms. When transformation is hoped for or feared, every aspect of identity becomes potentially contested, and the apparently smallest component of personal identity can be taken as a litmus test proclaiming the identity of the whole person or group. This leakage of meanings was a cause of continual uncertainty during the revolution in France

in Cultivating political and public identity
the case of the Balkans

Croats under one national identity – was to be the fulfilment of a ‘century-old dream’ (Bellamy, 2003: 67). Bellamy writes that Croatians’ identity under Tudjman was characterised by an attempt to unify the nation by situating them alongside an ‘other’, the Serbs, by contesting cultural, historical and geographical differences between these two nations, while noting Croatian superiority on all counts (Bellamy 2003: 68). His ideology and subsequent political direction even further solidified the belief that Croats do not belong in the same category as other (lesser

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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intervene in order to manage this risk. Both order identities in the present as secure or risky on account of their coherency with a normalised British identity, and then demand the transformation of those deemed risky. While these performances of identity break no law, they nevertheless are positioned as demanding some form of securing, in order to govern and minimise the risk of radicalisation they are seen to contain. In identifying this power, the book has contested the reading of Prevent that is given by the policy

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity
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Moving beyond segregated localities

(Falah and Newman, 1995 ). The landscape itself becomes conducive to sustaining these practices. However, places, like identity, are ‘always unfixed, contested and multiple’ (Massey, 2005 : 5). Interface areas are volatile, complex and often unpredictable. While at times young people engage in subtle tactics at an everyday micro level to sustain differences, their micro-geographies also reveal ongoing

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast

to address othering mentalities in general, which many contemporary social and political theorists have argued is the real and more resilient source of intergroup problems (Brown 2009; Hage 2000; Robinson 2013; Warner 1993). 218 Contesting identity This chapter will question whether the aims and premises of contact theory are still useful in the context of increasingly subtle and systemic biases and inequalities, and whether and how it might be usefully extended to relations between more complex identities than simple, predefined oppositional ‘in’ and ‘out

in The politics of identity
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Caribbean beauty competitions in context

specifically address the Caribbean and the black experience in Britain, in historical perspective.13 The beauty contest emerged in tandem with the cultural revolution, forced by labour unrest in the 1930s. It is, therefore, a primary site to examine racialised femininity under construction and reconstruction, in connection with the growth of interlinked public discourses on identity, national identity and decolonisation. By engaging the Caribbean middle brow culture, to use Edmondson’s phrase, this book aims to build upon Caribbean cultural criticism on the rise of the

in Imagining Caribbean womanhood