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number of independent regulators have been established. This reflects Japan’s political tradition as well as a path-dependent history. The analysis of this characteristic reveals how the core executive has shaped its perspectives on the independence of the ICT regulator within its political tradition. The chapter then turns to the state capacity of the sector. The second section looks into the capacity of the state in ICT regulation and its transformation. The last section considers the nature of Japan’s state transformation in ICT regulation after the 1980s, pulling

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan

supranational-national dimension forms the first axis of the European political field, political legitimacy constitutes its second. Collective European symbolic political resources consist of two subtypes that correspond homologically to two types of national political legitimacy: executive and legislative legitimacy, or output and input legitimacy (Mény 1996; Scharpf 1999, 6). Executive legitimacy is held by agents in institutions such as the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, institutions that hold partially differing conceptions of the European Union

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union

Frankfurt am Main and a French MEP, demonstrates). While European integration has promoted elite fusion at the level of European executive politics through institutions such as the European Union's Ministerial Council, it has also led to other qualitative transformations. Elite differentiation has divided national elites into two groups, those who participate in fused European networks and those who are excluded from them. Executive elite fusion has also been accompanied by the immunisation of politics to the economy. By transferring economic and political power to the

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
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Conclusion The period from 1972 to 1975 was witness to a number of significant political initiatives, aimed at bringing stability to Northern Ireland. Arguably the most ‘radical and far-sighted’ of these was the attempt to establish a power-sharing executive, comprised of moderate nationalists and unionists, and the crosscommunity Alliance Party.1 Power-sharing was perhaps the single most important transformation in the political culture of Northern Ireland, and was integral to future attempts to secure a political settlement in the region. As Alvin Jackson

in Template for peace
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, where she founded the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales in 1891. Returned to Europe in 1892. Member of the Theosophical Society 1892–1900. Executive Committee member of the Central National Society for Women’s Suffrage, 1896. Executive Committee member of the Union of Practical Suffragists, founded 1896. Member of the WGHCast.indd 246 246 5/26/2011 7:10:18 PM CAST OF CHARACTERS Hammersmith Trades and Labour Council, 1906. Member of the Women’s Social and Political Union, 1904–7. Honorary Secretary of the Adult Suffrage Society 1909–12. Roundell

in Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy and the Victorian Feminist Movement
A mayoral dichotomy

obsessed by it; that’s up to the officers!’ The CPA, coupled with the executive’s responsibility for leading the search for best value, places a profound stress on the direction that mayoral governance can take.6 It can distort the priorities of the mayor and the processes of political leadership; all external assessment, however good its intention, removes autonomy from local government – whether mayoral or not. While mayors clearly recognise the pressure they are exposed to by external audits of one sort or another, they also recognise that if the office of elected mayor

in Leading the localities

specified that both the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the office of Governor of Northern Ireland should cease to exist. Part III of the Act contained provisions on human rights which outlawed religious and political discrimination in the public sector and set up a Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights. In the light of the Government’s commitment to an Irish dimension section 12 gave a Northern Ireland executive authority to enter into agreement with the Republic of Ireland in respect of any transferred matter. Following agreement on the basis for setting up a

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
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A new form of local politics or a very English compromise?

-on-Trent and the London Borough of Hackney. For the first time, these voters were able to choose for themselves the individual they wished to hold the political leadership of the council and to head the council’s executive, rather than having that choice made for them by their local councillors. Mayors are elected at large and, while they are a member of the council, they do not represent a ward as do the councillors who serve alongside them. Councillors campaign for election in their wards based on local activity and a borough-wide manifesto, or set of policy pronouncements

in Leading the localities
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). Concern about appointments to quangos in Britain has traditionally focused on political patronage but the issue of political bias on quangos in Northern Ireland has been of a different nature. Local councils had representatives on the main quangos but most councillors nominated to serve on public bodies have been unionists. The three nominees of the Housing Council to the board of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive were always unionists and on the four Education and Library Boards at one time forty-eight out of fifty-six district council nominees were unionist. In

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
The politics of peace

be altered by the pinnacle of the peace process, the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and its renegotiated successor, the 2006 St Andrews Agreement. According to critics of both its theoretical principles1 and its institutional arrangements,2 the GFA has legitimised sectarian division by replicating existing fault lines in the main political institutions it created in Northern Ireland, namely the Executive and Assembly. Consociational political agreements, such as the one introduced in Northern Ireland in 1998, try to create power sharing between political elites

in Northern Ireland after the troubles