absence of American political will at executive
level to intervene with the British government on their behalf, as a test
of their ‘special’ relationship. More often than not, it did not materialise.
Nevertheless, nationalists’ hope for American salvation was sustained
by their belief in the presence of substantial interest in some quarters
of the executive and in the power of the ‘Irish vote’. As representatives
of official America in Ireland, the consuls’ role, therefore, was to deal
with the consequences when unofficial America responded to the call
decades a growing
number of voices have been raised against this assumption.2 Even formerly
vocal advocates of the secularization thesis such as Peter L. Berger have
revisited their previous work and revised their opinions on the relationship
between modern society and religious ideas or institutions.3
This chapter looks at how a number of religious figures negotiated the
relationship between politics and religion in nineteenth-century Spain – a
time when the country was taking its first steps towards political modernity.
When historical evidence is seriously considered
-scale public housing programme beginning in the early 1950s.
Consultation with the Executive and Legislative Councils was a means of
coopting Chinese elites, allowing what Ambrose King has called the
‘administrative absorption of politics’, and was generally
practiced. 12 It
is worth noting, though, as S. S. Hsueh explained in dead-pan language
in his 1962 primer on the Hong Kong Government, that the
The British monarchy in Australia, New Zealand and Canada, 1991–2016
Cabinet’, which is connected in turn to the disappearance of
the monarch and the relatively invisible constitutional role of the
governor-general.) See also Boyce, The Queen’s Other
Realms , p. 5. (‘As in Britain, the enshrining of state
authority in the Crown has provided an effective mask for the steady
expansion of power within the politicalexecutives of Canada,
Yogyakarta during the Indonesian decolonisation, 1942–50
Bayu Dardias Kurniadi
authorities were relics of the past in a fast-changing political structure. In short, the monarchies received a double blow, having failed at the national level during the formation of the state, and at the provincial level of government, in the formation of the temporary governing body, the Indonesian National Committee (KNI).
The KNI was formed on 22 August, and the nationalists established its Yogyakarta chapter, KNID-Yogyakarta, 38 in the early weeks of independence, without prior consultation with the sultan. KNID-Yogyakarta assumed executive, legislative and
who was appointed in the early 1980s: as David Richardson remembers, he ‘combined infinite patience, strong left-wing conviction and
sound business sense, and became a much respected and valued confidant to successive Union executives’.
Two issues, however, did prove both delicate and controversial. The
new arrangements imposed on the University itself a duty to ensure
that the Union observed charity law and did not use public money for
purposes not relevant to the well being of students, including political
campaigns and demonstrations. ‘I do not see it as the role
Anderson, 14 April 1950, Records of Belfast
Mothers’ Welfare Clinic/NIFPA, SA/FPA/A13/2, CMAC.
BWWC Annual General Meeting, 22 October 1962, Records of the BWWC,
Executive Meeting NIFPA, 23 September 1971, Records of NIFPA,
Yvonne Galligan, Women and Politics in Contemporary Ireland: From the
Margins to the Mainstream (London, 1998), pp. 142–161.
See for example Fisher, ‘“Clearing up the Misconceptions”’, 123 and Grier,
‘Eugenics and Birth Control’, 447.
Hill, Women in Ireland, pp. 177–179.
Joyce Neill, ‘A Family Planning Service
Sovereignty, surveillance and spectacle in the Vietnam War
Duy Lap Nguyen
The unimagined community
trade from the inventiveness of Madison Avenue” conducted the war as
a public relations campaign, using strategies that originated in advertising, as a spectacle for producing a society of high mass consumption:
“Public relations is but a variety of advertising; hence it has its origin
in the consumer society, with its inordinate appetite for goods to be
distributed through a market economy.” In the “insane atmosphere of
rampant advertising,” policy-makers came to believe that “half of politics
is ‘image-making’ and the other half the art of
recent establishment in a number of British cities of directly elected mayors with significant executive powers, after a century in which progressive centralisation has reduced local government in the United Kingdom to a cipher, opens up the possibility that the city can once again, as in the nineteenth century, become a unit of real political importance. Yet it has to be admitted that the emergence of a Belfast civic identity sufficiently well defined to bridge political and sectarian divisions will require significant progress from what is at present a fairly narrow
it was also a site of political participation and social activism. Female
associationalism was a central site of women’s public participation, and
the causes of temperance, suffrage and Liberalism were significant for
incorporating women into public debate and electoral politics.
A belief in the social and moral importance of the maternal and
domestic was integral to middle-class women’s culture, and the women’s
temperance movement illustrates the importance of gender and social
class to the feminine public sphere. Female temperance reform responded