resources now has to be shared up among a growing number of
actors, stretching limited resources even further.
Likewise, by seeking to address security threats in a comprehensive
and holistic manner—a key principle of human security approach—
prioritization becomes exceedingly difficult. Stemming ethnic conflict
may be the goal, for instance, but addressing underlying structural problems of resource competition, migration patterns, political disenfranchisement, or poverty make resource prioritization a Herculean task.
Who gets what and how much? Where and when should
sustained or long-term peace support operations
on the continent without the requisite financial, logistical, and technological capacity of external donors. In addition, the same level of commitment has not fully been translated to other security challenges, such
as public health, food security, climate change, and migration. These
non-traditional security issues often require long-term commitments,
but due to the nature of Africa’s many impoverished states and their
lack of resources, they have often ceded responsibility to international
organizations, aid agencies, and
Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited
Organization, the exceptional health of the US domestic budget and the rapidly emerging commercial applications of the internet. At the end of 1994
the collapse of public finances in Mexico, within a year of the ratification
of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), required a US Federal
Reserve bail-out of some US$50 billion and opened a phase of commercial,
security and migration crises that would preoccupy Huntington so sharply
that they dominated the final chapter of his book. The intervening need for
the US Marine Corps to invade a badly destabilised
-border participation in a common discourse. All this makes the Arab world, in Noble’s (1991: 56) words, a ‘vast sound chamber’ in which ideas and information circulate widely. In addition, similar food, marriage and child-rearing practices, music and art are recognisable region-wide. Extended family ties frequently crossed borders and cross-border immigration has been constant: in the 1950s there were major flows of Palestinian refugees; since the 1970s labour migration to the Gulf oil-producing states has been substantial. Niblock (1990) argues that the interests of the separate
stimulate growth in ways that inter-state rivalries have
inhibited. This could not be an unalloyed abdication of human responsibility – globalisation also presents challenges which human agency will be
called upon to overcome. Thus, more active liberal approaches are stimulated by new global problems such as migration, environmental decay and
contagious new wars. However, these further erode the power of the state,
as, being global problems, they demand global authority to overcome them.
Thus Peter Hain could write about ‘The End of Foreign Policy’ and Clare
, No. 109 (2006), p. 1.
Kaldor, New and Old Wars.
E. Newman, ‘The “New Wars” Debate: A Historical Perspective is Needed’, Security
Globalisation and conflict: screening war
Dialogue, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2004), pp. 173–189; Erik Melander, Magnus Öberg and
Jonathan Hall, ‘Are ‘New Wars’ More Atrocious? Battle Severity, Civilians Killed
and Forced Migration Before and After the End of the Cold War’, European Journal
of International Relations, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2009), pp. 505–536.
Kaldor, ‘The “New War” in Iraq
Significantly, the poverty and breakdown of law and order in Albania also
led families to seek employment in neighbouring countries. The incremental
migration that had been ongoing since the end of the Cold War gathered
pace, giving Albanian groups a foothold in Italy and more generally across
Europe. This created a network of Albanian groups, some of whom were
involved in criminality. The trafficking of people, arms and drugs meant the
Albanian mafia quickly became influential in the region, providing a clandestine support network and secretive clan-based organisation rooted
presents four significant, yet largely fabricated claims. These are that the revived clan chiefs form an historical alliance, known as Ker Kwaro Acholi, which comes from the Luo group and dates back to a migration into Acholiland in the fifteenth century; that today Ker Kwaro Acholi’s council of clan chiefs constitutes a homogenous group hailing from lineages holding the same office in the pre-colonial period; that the traditional roles of the council of clan chiefs were and remain primarily as peacemakers and custodians of Acholi cultural practices; and finally that Ker
. Smith and P. Stares (eds), Diasporas in Conflict: Peacemakers or Peace-wreckers (New York: United Nations University Press, 2007); F.
Cochrane, Migration and Security in the Global Age: Diaspora Communities and Conflict
(New York: Routledge, 2015).
31 For example, see N. Abu Sandal, ‘Religious actors as epistemic communities in
conflict transformation: The cases of South Africa and Northern Ireland’, Review of
International Studies, 37:3 (2011), 929–49.
32 See J. D. Brewer, G. I. Higgins, and F. Teeney, Religion, Civil Society, & Peace in
Northern Ireland (Oxford
of youth combatants in Liberia’, (Sussex: Sussex Center
for Migration Studies Working Paper 29, 2006).
9 Independent Monitoring Commission, Twenty-Sixth and Final Report, p. 13.
10 C. Buchanan and J. Chavez, Negotiating Disarmament: Guns and Violence in the El
Salvador Peace Negotiations (Geneva: Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2008).
11 J. Morgenstein, Consolidating Disarmament Lessons from Colombia’s Reintegration
Program for Demobilized Paramilitaries (Washington, DC: United States Institute of
12 The Agreement Reached in the Multi