and international organisations about what they saw as a de facto forcible
return of refugees to Chechnya, where insufficient appropriate housing
was made available to the returnees, the last refugee tent camp in
Ingushetia was closed down in June 2004.89 Although this event was
marked with an official ceremony and used as further proof that ‘peace
and rule of law are returning to Chechnya’,90 migration officials estimated
that in the summer of 2004 about 37,000 Chechen refugees remained in
At the beginning of the second Chechen conflict the
context of Africa.
These include: the desire to limit migration to Europe; concerns about the
spread of instability into geographical areas of more importance; and fears
about ways in which international terrorism might be nurtured in failing
states. As Labour MP John Austin puts it:
I think there is a general consensus that failing states lead to instability,
whether it’s because of the Islamic threat, or a terrorist thing, or instability
is bad for business. And it causes refugees as well: I think there is a recognition now that if you allow states to fail and if you
, temporary exhibitions such as ‘ Zuwanderungsland
Deutschland ’ and ‘ Mythen der Nationen ’ offer
detailed treatments of migration and myths. Notwithstanding the use of
slightly ambiguous terminology (Sutherland 2007 , 39), the first exhibition questions the
long-standing, official West German trope that Germany is not a country of
immigration by tracing successive waves and types of immigra tion back to
1500. The second
rhetorically’, Review of International Organizations , 11 (2016), p. 200.
Buckley-Zistel, ‘Frictional spaces’, p. 26.
H. Johnson, ‘Narrating entanglements: rethinking the local/global divide in ethnographic migration research’, International Political Sociology , 10 (2016), pp. 383
resources now has to be shared up among a growing number of
actors, stretching limited resources even further.
Likewise, by seeking to address security threats in a comprehensive
and holistic manner—a key principle of human security approach—
prioritization becomes exceedingly difficult. Stemming ethnic conflict
may be the goal, for instance, but addressing underlying structural problems of resource competition, migration patterns, political disenfranchisement, or poverty make resource prioritization a Herculean task.
Who gets what and how much? Where and when should
sustained or long-term peace support operations
on the continent without the requisite financial, logistical, and technological capacity of external donors. In addition, the same level of commitment has not fully been translated to other security challenges, such
as public health, food security, climate change, and migration. These
non-traditional security issues often require long-term commitments,
but due to the nature of Africa’s many impoverished states and their
lack of resources, they have often ceded responsibility to international
organizations, aid agencies, and
Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited
Organization, the exceptional health of the US domestic budget and the rapidly emerging commercial applications of the internet. At the end of 1994
the collapse of public finances in Mexico, within a year of the ratification
of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), required a US Federal
Reserve bail-out of some US$50 billion and opened a phase of commercial,
security and migration crises that would preoccupy Huntington so sharply
that they dominated the final chapter of his book. The intervening need for
the US Marine Corps to invade a badly destabilised
-border participation in a common discourse. All this makes the Arab world, in Noble’s (1991: 56) words, a ‘vast sound chamber’ in which ideas and information circulate widely. In addition, similar food, marriage and child-rearing practices, music and art are recognisable region-wide. Extended family ties frequently crossed borders and cross-border immigration has been constant: in the 1950s there were major flows of Palestinian refugees; since the 1970s labour migration to the Gulf oil-producing states has been substantial. Niblock (1990) argues that the interests of the separate
stimulate growth in ways that inter-state rivalries have
inhibited. This could not be an unalloyed abdication of human responsibility – globalisation also presents challenges which human agency will be
called upon to overcome. Thus, more active liberal approaches are stimulated by new global problems such as migration, environmental decay and
contagious new wars. However, these further erode the power of the state,
as, being global problems, they demand global authority to overcome them.
Thus Peter Hain could write about ‘The End of Foreign Policy’ and Clare
, No. 109 (2006), p. 1.
Kaldor, New and Old Wars.
E. Newman, ‘The “New Wars” Debate: A Historical Perspective is Needed’, Security
Globalisation and conflict: screening war
Dialogue, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2004), pp. 173–189; Erik Melander, Magnus Öberg and
Jonathan Hall, ‘Are ‘New Wars’ More Atrocious? Battle Severity, Civilians Killed
and Forced Migration Before and After the End of the Cold War’, European Journal
of International Relations, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2009), pp. 505–536.
Kaldor, ‘The “New War” in Iraq