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Russian and international organisations about what they saw as a de facto forcible return of refugees to Chechnya, where insufficient appropriate housing was made available to the returnees, the last refugee tent camp in Ingushetia was closed down in June 2004.89 Although this event was marked with an official ceremony and used as further proof that ‘peace and rule of law are returning to Chechnya’,90 migration officials estimated that in the summer of 2004 about 37,000 Chechen refugees remained in Ingushetia alone.91 At the beginning of the second Chechen conflict the

in Securitising Russia
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context of Africa. These include: the desire to limit migration to Europe; concerns about the spread of instability into geographical areas of more importance; and fears about ways in which international terrorism might be nurtured in failing states. As Labour MP John Austin puts it: I think there is a general consensus that failing states lead to instability, whether it’s because of the Islamic threat, or a terrorist thing, or instability is bad for business. And it causes refugees as well: I think there is a recognition now that if you allow states to fail and if you

in Britain and Africa under Blair
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, temporary exhibitions such as ‘ Zuwanderungsland Deutschland ’ and ‘ Mythen der Nationen ’ offer detailed treatments of migration and myths. Notwithstanding the use of slightly ambiguous terminology (Sutherland 2007 , 39), the first exhibition questions the long-standing, official West German trope that Germany is not a country of immigration by tracing successive waves and types of immigra tion back to 1500. The second

in Soldered states

resources now has to be shared up among a growing number of actors, stretching limited resources even further. Likewise, by seeking to address security threats in a comprehensive and holistic manner—a key principle of human security approach—­ prioritization becomes exceedingly difficult. Stemming ethnic conflict may be the goal, for instance, but addressing underlying structural problems of resource competition, migration patterns, political disenfranchisement, or poverty make resource prioritization a Herculean task. Who gets what and how much? Where and when should

in African security in the twenty-first century

sustained or long-term peace support operations on the continent without the requisite financial, logistical, and technological capacity of external donors. In addition, the same level of commitment has not fully been translated to other security challenges, such as public health, food security, climate change, and migration. These non-traditional security issues often require long-term commitments, but due to the nature of Africa’s many impoverished states and their lack of resources, they have often ceded responsibility to international organizations, aid agencies, and

in African security in the twenty-first century
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Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited

Trade Organization, the exceptional health of the US domestic budget and the rapidly emerging commercial applications of the internet. At the end of 1994 the collapse of public finances in Mexico, within a year of the ratification of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), required a US Federal Reserve bail-​out of some US$50 billion and opened a phase of commercial, security and migration crises that would preoccupy Huntington so sharply that they dominated the final chapter of his book. The intervening need for the US Marine Corps to invade a badly destabilised

in American foreign policy

-border participation in a common discourse. All this makes the Arab world, in Noble’s (1991: 56) words, a ‘vast sound chamber’ in which ideas and information circulate widely. In addition, similar food, marriage and child-rearing practices, music and art are recognisable region-wide. Extended family ties frequently crossed borders and cross-border immigration has been constant: in the 1950s there were major flows of Palestinian refugees; since the 1970s labour migration to the Gulf oil-producing states has been substantial. Niblock (1990) argues that the interests of the separate

in The international politics of the Middle East
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stimulate growth in ways that inter-state rivalries have inhibited. This could not be an unalloyed abdication of human responsibility – globalisation also presents challenges which human agency will be called upon to overcome. Thus, more active liberal approaches are stimulated by new global problems such as migration, environmental decay and contagious new wars. However, these further erode the power of the state, as, being global problems, they demand global authority to overcome them. Thus Peter Hain could write about ‘The End of Foreign Policy’ and Clare Short could

in Britain and Africa under Blair
Screening war in Kosovo and Chechnya

, No. 109 (2006), p. 1. Kaldor, New and Old Wars. E. Newman, ‘The “New Wars” Debate: A Historical Perspective is Needed’, Security Globalisation and conflict: screening war 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 Dialogue, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2004), pp. 173–189; Erik Melander, Magnus Öberg and Jonathan Hall, ‘Are ‘New Wars’ More Atrocious? Battle Severity, Civilians Killed and Forced Migration Before and After the End of the Cold War’, European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2009), pp. 505–536. Kaldor, ‘The “New War” in Iraq

in Contemporary violence
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Significantly, the poverty and breakdown of law and order in Albania also led families to seek employment in neighbouring countries. The incremental migration that had been ongoing since the end of the Cold War gathered pace, giving Albanian groups a foothold in Italy and more generally across Europe. This created a network of Albanian groups, some of whom were involved in criminality. The trafficking of people, arms and drugs meant the Albanian mafia quickly became influential in the region, providing a clandestine support network and secretive clan-based organisation rooted

in Contemporary violence