English newspapers, correspondents, travellers

Like people and schools of criticism, ideas and theories travel – from person to person, from situation to situation, from one period to another. 1 English purity campaigners saw their own country as a net exporter of the ideas, laws and movements that drove sexuality politics around the world. Josephine Butler claimed that ‘England has been sending forth to all these parts of the world two streams, one pure and the other foul’. 2 She echoed the words of Ottobah Cugoano

in Sex, politics and empire

5 Political corruption and organised crime Introduction In the last chapter we saw that corrupt exchanges can involve the interaction of a range of different types of actor. This chapter focusses on one of those types: the third-party enforcers. Enforcers offer the threat – and sometimes the actuality – of violence to ensure that, once the parties to a corrupt exchange have agreed to do business and have agreed terms, the terms are respected. To that extent, they offer something analogous to the insurance policies available in the world of legal contracts to

in Corruption in contemporary politics
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Staging the wound

3 Aesthetic politics: staging the wound An art is emancipated and emancipating when it renounces the authority of the imposed message, the target audience, and the univocal mode of emancipating the world, when, in other words, it stops wanting to emancipate us. (Rancière, 2007: 258) Introduction One of the great unresolved mysteries of Genet’s career is his steadfast refusal to admit that his plays are politically motivated, even though they deal with some of the most inflammatory political material staged in modern theatre. In broad terms, Genet

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
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As Europe was used by elements within the elite on both sides of the issue to secure electoral and political advantage, it is advantageous to define the character of the political elite. The definition of the political elite for the purpose of this book is Members of Parliament. This is because it was they who were directly involved in the political decision-making on Britain's membership of the Common Market, and so the evidence of their behaviour is readily available. Whilst this definition is utilised, however, it is apparent that there

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984

1 The politics of abstentionism, 1932–39 In May 1932, the veteran northern nationalist leader, Joe Devlin, led his party (the National League of the North, formed in 1928) out of the Northern Ireland parliament proclaiming his frustration with the Unionist government’s refusal to cooperate with National League politicians who wished to offer a constructive opposition within Northern Ireland’s political system. For much of his political career Devlin had espoused a ‘non-sectarian social radicalism’1 that had emphasised themes of fair play and justice for

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70

7 Political funding and the legislative response: 1980s–2010 Introduction Democracy is not free and money is necessary for political parties to perform their basic democratic functions. These include selecting, recruiting, and training candidates for public office; mobilising voters; participating in elections; forming government or serving as the Opposition; designing and implementing policy alternatives and providing the main link between citizens and government. Yet, unorthodox inflow of private sources of capital to a political party compromises the very

in Political corruption in Ireland, 1922–2010
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I POLITICAL TRACTS The text referred to as the Laws of Edward and Guthrum survives in two twelfth-century manuscripts: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 383 and Strood, Medway Archive and Local Studies Centre, MS. DRc/R1 ( Textus Roffensis ). Both manuscripts treat the text as an authentic example of early tenth-century Anglo-Saxon royal

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York

This book is a wide-ranging survey of the development of mass movements for democracy and workers’ rights in northern England. It surveys movements throughout the whole period, from the first working-class radical societies of the 1790s to trade unions in the 1830s and Chartists and Owenite socialists in the 1840s. It offers a provocative narrative of the privatisation of public space and workers’ dispossession from place, with parallels for contemporary debates about protests in public space and democracy and anti-globalisation movements.

Space and place are central to the strategies and meaning of protest. The book examines the reaction by governments and local authorities, who sought to restrict public and private political meetings, demonstrations and marches. It charts the physical and symbolic conflicts over who had the right to speak and meet in northern England. The Peterloo Massacre of 1819 marked a particularly significant turning point in the relationship between government, local elites and the working classes. Radicals, organised labour and Chartists fought back by challenging their exclusion from public spaces, creating their own sites and eventually constructing their own buildings. They looked to new horizons, including America. This book also examines the relationship of protesters with place. Rural resistance, including enclosure riots, arson and machine-breaking during Luddism in 1812 and the Captain Swing agitation of the early 1830s, demonstrated communities’ defence of their landscape as a place of livelihood and customary rights.

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Women and poor law administration

6 Domestic politics: women and poor law administration Having looked at the way in which nationalist ideology influenced the selection and conduct of poor law guardians, we turn now to the impact of gender ideology. Prevailing assumptions about gender roles both restricted the contribution of women to poor law administration, and provided motivation and justification for their involvement. By the end of the nineteenth century women had won the right to act as poor law guardians, an achievement hailed as an important milestone on the road to women’s suffrage. The

in Politics, pauperism and power in late nineteenth-century Ireland
The public on education and politics

5 Revolutionary politics à la plume: the public on education and politics Jules Michelet described the spring of 1789 as the “true era of the birth of the people. It called the whole nation to the exercise of its rights. They could at least write their complaints, their wishes, and choose the electors.”1 While historians have been quick to note the distance that separated the representatives in Versailles and the people who had elected them, Michelet’s point is worth remembering. The citizens could write. And write they did. They built upon the precedent of the

in In pursuit of politics