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The European Union (EU) has emerged as an important security actor qua actor, not only in the non-traditional areas of security, but increasingly as an entity with force projection capabilities. This book investigates how the concept of security relates to or deals with different categories of threat, explores the relationship between forms of coordination among states, international institutions, and the provision of European security and the execution of security governance. It also investigates whether the EU has been effective in realising its stated security objectives and those of its member states. The book commences with a discussion on the changing nature of the European state, the changing nature and broadening of the security agenda, and the problem of security governance in the European political space. There are four functional challenges facing the EU as a security actor: the resolution of interstate conflicts, the management of intrastate conflicts, state-building endeavours, and building the institutions of civil society. The book then examines policies of prevention, particularly the pre-emption of conflict within Europe and its neighbourhood. It moves on to examine policies of assurance, particularly the problem of peace-building in south-eastern Europe. EU's peace-building or sustaining role where there has been a violent interstate or intrastate conflict, especially the origins and performance of the Stability Pact, is discussed. Finally, the book looks at the policies of protection which capture the challenge of internal security.

The case of the Timisoara revolutionaries
Anca Mihaela Pusca

to go out in the streets, he would not attempt to topple the Ceausescu regime and would in fact choose to wait for a more reformist communist government.1 Another two leaders of the Timisoara Revolution, Claudiu Iordache and Lorin Fortuna have expressed similar feelings of disappointment and regret.2 The period immediately following the revolution, including the new political regime, the transition process and the series of democratic reforms, caught many of the revolutionaries by surprise. And yet, was that not what they were out in the streets for? Surprisingly

in Revolution, democratic transition and disillusionment
Adrian Millar

little primary research deals with the self-interpretation of republicans. 2 Secondary materials have been either journalistic, autobiographical or works dealing with particular events within the Catholic community. 3 The literature that offers the best insight into the construction of republican identity comprises surveys on attitudes of Protestants and Catholics, 4 books on high politics, 5 history literature, 6

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
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Paul Arthur

visionary. It is a leadership that can attract support from across the spectrum – hence the incredible diversity of opinion and experience presented within these covers (all of whom volunteered their services in the names of John Hume and Thomas P. O’Neill) – combined with an incredible tenacity to stand by one’s ideals no matter how dark the hour. The great conservative political philosopher, Edmund Burke, encapsulated the dilemma when he wrote that ‘[W]hen bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Authors: Lee Jarvis and Michael Lister

This book explores how different publics make sense of and evaluate anti-terrorism powers within the UK, and the implications of this for citizenship and security.

Since 9/11, the UK’s anti-terrorism framework has undergone dramatic changes, including with the introduction of numerous new pieces of legislation. Drawing on primary empirical research, this book examines the impact of these changes on security and citizenship, as perceived by citizens themselves. We examine such impacts on different communities within the UK, and find that generally, whilst white individuals were not unconcerned about the effects of anti-terrorism, ethnic minority citizens (and not Muslim communities alone) believe that anti-terrorism measures have had a direct, negative impact on various dimensions of their citizenship and security.

This book thus offers the first systematic engagement with ‘vernacular’ or ‘everyday’ understandings of anti-terrorism policy, citizenship and security. Beyond an empirical analysis of citizen attitudes, it argues that while transformations in anti-terrorism frameworks impact on public experiences of security and citizenship, they do not do so in a uniform, homogeneous, or predictable manner. At the same time, public understandings and expectations of security and citizenship themselves shape how developments in anti-terrorism frameworks are discussed and evaluated. The relationships between these phenomenon, in other words, are both multiple and co-constitutive. By detailing these findings, this book adds depth and complexity to existing studies of the impact of anti-terrorism powers.

The book will be of interest to a wide range of academic disciplines including Political Science, International Relations, Security Studies and Sociology.

The Weimar Republic in the eyes of American political science
Paul Petzschmann

The late historian Detlev Peukert once made the case that the history of Weimar Germany ‘does not consist of just a beginning and an end’, 1 yet I think it is fair to say that political scientists have not heeded his advice. Widely thought of only as a ‘prelude to Hitler’ and as a brief aberration in Germany’s authoritarian Sonderweg , the Weimar Republic played an important role in the development of political science and International Relations (IR) in the US. In the 1930s and 1940s, the critique of the Weimar Constitution served as a backdrop for a number

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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Changing images of Germany
Jens Steffek and Leonie Holthaus

most brutal dictatorships in human history that committed a genocide of unprecedented dimensions. Until 1945, German foreign policy was associated chiefly with militarism, territorial expansion and a pronouncedly anti-liberal political culture. Today, the country is widely perceived as a ‘civilian power’ – an economic giant but military dwarf that is firmly committed to multilateralism, European integration and the peaceful settlement of disputes. 3 Situated at the intersection of International Relations (IR) and history, this book has two objectives. One is to

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Security and insecurity in Indonesian Aceh and Papua
Edward Aspinall and Richard Chauvel

lives; hundreds of thousands have been displaced or experienced other losses. This chapter aims, first, to provide an assessment of the Indonesian state’s approach to security in these territories. It argues that its security policy is not especially sophisticated, but is instead, as in so many other settings, based on simplistic but frequently unquestioned notions about political

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Tami Amanda Jacoby

laboratory for investigation of the dynamic between gender and security. Because of the protracted conditions of warfare in many Middle Eastern states, gender roles are structured to a great extent by the exigencies of the national security agenda throughout that region, and hence the predominance there of the military in political decision making. States in the Middle East are characterized by unsettled

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Lee Jarvis and Michael Lister

of this chapter: explicit expressions of opposition to anti-terrorism measures; denials of ‘victim’ or ‘outsider’ subject positions within the narrativisation of anti-terrorism measures and their consequences; and refusals to withdraw or abstain from established forms of political activity. By exploring conversations around issues of rights, participation, identity and duties, the analysis in this

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security