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would suggest that the opportunities it has heralded for peace and reconciliation have not been welcomed by all, have been ignored by many more and have been experienced by few. Historically rooted patterns of relationships have remained relatively intact. It is perhaps a fallacy to have ever believed that they could have been changed by the stuff of high politics alone but who among us, in desperation

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
The Marshall Plan films about Greece

described the MP ‘not merely as a gesture of humanitarianism’; ‘hunger’ was ‘a threat to the peace and security of the world’. The very use of the term ‘humanitarianism’ and its connection with geopolitics was thus very much in the air during this period of intense public debate about the parameters of the MP’s implementation. The main area of disagreement within US political circles had to do with the MP

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

-narrative of British politics shifted to crisis and austerity. In 2010, New Labour was replaced by a Coalition Government of Conservative and Liberal Democrats, in which the former were dominant. This election outcome removed a key institutional relationship that development campaigners had come to rely on: a ruling party that shared many of the development norms of the campaign organisations themselves. Nevertheless, in 2013 a major national development campaign coalition was once again devised: the Enough Food If campaign (EFIF). This chapter

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
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Bacon 02 3/2/06 10:06 AM Page 22 2 The security forces In this chapter we introduce the role in Russian political life of the siloviki (that is, personnel from the ‘force structures’ or ‘power ministries’, chiefly the security services, the armed forces, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD)).1 We critically analyse the degree to which the Putin administration has acted to boost the role of the force structures in Russia in the public space, by which primarily we mean political life and civil society, concluding that the picture is not so

in Securitising Russia
Andrew Williams

and peoples in the common pursuit of wealth and prosperity. In the nineteenth century this was the main impulse behind both the political and economic liberalism that came together in the astonishing spread of capitalism across Europe and beyond.2 Arguably, such a combined liberalism became, and remains, the motor behind a post-Enlightenment cosmopolitanism, one that has brought the world into a modern age in a whirlwind of social engineering and that has swept away traditional structures and, some would argue, virtues. The NWO project has at its core a liberal

in Failed imagination?
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Bacon 08 3/2/06 10:37 AM Page 177 8 Conclusion Throughout this book we have analysed a number of different aspects of Russia today through the prism of security. Using the securitisation approach developed in the sphere of international relations1 we have considered contemporary Russian domestic policies in relation to Chechen separatism, the media, terrorism, religion, political parties, nationalism, migration, and the economy. Although there are of course connections between these policy areas – some more so than others – each chapter can be read on its

in Securitising Russia

the material relationship between states and societies, or even of the natural struggle against poverty (Ouendji 2009; Latouche 2007; Ward 1973).3 Although a similar argument should be made of discursive and violent practices so far observed, creative survival figures prominently as an example of how patterns of resistance are recontextualised alongside changes in political and economic circumstances. Peacebuilding in this sense represents a contemporary snapshot of a historical process in which political, economic and cultural relations connect the local to the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

dynasty with the safe-guarding of the nation. Assad’s aggressive response captured the world’s attention. Syria’s political positioning in the international community made the threat of violent unrest here especially disturbing. While all the nations involved in the uprising were of course important in respect of the political situation

in Syria and the chemical weapons taboo
Decisionmaking, intelligence, and the case for war in Iraq

This chapter charts the basis and evolution of a decision that is set to define the ten-year premiership of Tony Blair; the decision to go to war in Iraq. It begins by focusing on the institutional context within which the decision was taken, paying particular attention to the ongoing presidentialization of British politics and consequent downgrading of Cabinet as a decisionmaking body

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
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4 Failing states States are the only contemporary political organizations that enjoy a unique legal status under international law—sovereignty—and are deemed to possess an exclusive monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their borders. While the modern nation-state† has existed for more than 350 years, states today are much more varied in their capacity, capability, and composition than ever before. They are also more numerous than they were half a century ago, and the range of their population sizes, physical endowments, wealth, productivity, delivery

in African security in the twenty-first century