and localities. 67
There is, of course, nothing to prevent a party establishing such a zone
in peacetime and informing other parties to the Convention of it.
Medical and religious personnel whose detention is no
longer necessary for the ministration to the wounded and sick should be
allowed to return to their own party, without discrimination on racial,
religious or political grounds in selecting those
assertion of the
broader social, economic and political value of universal and
non-discriminatory access to Internet resources among those connected to
the Internet’. 43 He also argued that the tendency of governments
in both repressive and traditionally democratic regimes to impose
liability on IAPs to censor content for a plethora of reasons argues for
a policy of robust non
to the issue of independent measurement research in the concluding
Why this political obsession with explosions that do not
exist? Critics continue to explain that telecoms companies have
continually underestimated the value of peer-to-peer communications,
which is their core value proposition, and have overestimated the
‘content is king’ argument that IPTV and other forms of
in every way with the Coalition against Iraq. Coalition authorities
apologised for such intrusions and any damage caused. 35 The neutral state
is under a duty to protect its neutrality against such intrusions and
failure to do so may result in violations of its air space by aircraft
of the opposing belligerent. The decision as to such
‘violation’ is political and should not be made by an
’s hearts elsewhere. The largest collection, he commented, was at the Royal Liverpool Children’s Hospital (Alder Hey). His evidence prompted the Department of Health to set up an Independent Confidential Inquiry under section 2 of the National Health Service Act 1977 chaired by Michael Redfern QC. The inquiry was instructed to investigate the removal and disposal of human organs and tissue following post-mortem examinations at Alder Hey.
The Redfern Report 10 published in January 2001 proved to be political dynamite. It revealed longstanding practices of
countries maintain that it is not for the man in the field to question
whether his country is legally in conflict. This is a political question
to be answered by the government alone, although after the hostilities
are over it may result in members of the government being tried for the
crime of aggression.
Espionage 175 and sabotage 176
The law of armed conflict does not
respect for their person, religious practices,
honour and convictions without adverse distinction, although it must be
acknowledged that in a non-international conflict political or even
religious convictions may be basic to the ideology of each party, and it
is in these spheres that breaches are most likely to occur.
Reflecting the customary rule prevailing in international
conflicts against the denial of
committees (MRECs) were introduced in 1997, 37 performing a single ethical review of research taking place in more than one research site. The process remained unwieldy. The Central Office for NHS Research Ethics Committees (COREC) was established in 2000, to coordinate the system. 38 In 2001, the Department of Health issued Governance Arrangements for NHS RECs (GAfREC) (updated in 2011) 39 to harmonise the committees’ constitutions and remit. Researchers stepped up political pressure, aimed at reducing the level of bureaucracy and facilitating research, and as a
124 See A-M Farrell, ‘Is the Gift Still Good? Examining the Politics and Regulation of Blood Safety in the European Union’ (2006) 14 Medical Law Review 155.
125 See M Brazier, J Harris, ‘Does Ethical Controversy Cost Lives?’ in Farrell et al, Organ Shortage , pp 15–34.
126 See J Lavee, T Asheknazi, D Steinberg, ‘A New Law for the Allocation of Donor Organs in Israel’ (2010) 375 The Lancet 1131–1133; M Quigley, ‘Incentivising Organ Donation’ in Farrell et al, Organ Shortage , pp 89–103.
127 See ‘Patients May be Asked about
NHS budget. 159
The Department of Health warns that further action is needed to address increasing claims and costs: ‘Any action will need political will and public understanding to dispassionately take action to bring to a halt the steep rise in claimant costs, the level of damages and the rates charged for legal representation of claimants’. 160 Four options are tabled for further discussion:
mandatory fixed costs for clinical negligence claims (with damages up to £100,000);
increase in the court discount rate;