By the closing decades of the nineteenth century, Punch 's leading topical cartoonists, John Tenniel and Linley Sambourne, were able to select from a well-established lexicon of figurative conventions (to which they had themselves contributed) for picturing global politics.
Nation-states, for example, might readily be represented by caricatures of their monarchs or principal statesmen; equally, however, they might be embodied in classicised female personifications like Britannia or Columbia
and researched in the present ways, according to Harrison, is partly because the issue of diplomatic protocol was a key concern in the culture of eighteenth-century Britain,
partly because the political context of early twentieth-century China, the editors’ preoccupations and the structure of the archive itself heavily influenced the Chinese archivists’ decision in the 1920s on what documents were to be released about the embassy.
Despite this rich literature, there is still room to study
As imperial political authority was increasingly challenged, sometimes with violence, locally recruited police forces became the front-line guardians of alien law and order. This book presents a study that looks at the problems facing the imperial police forces during the acute political dislocations following decolonization in the British Empire. It examines the role and functions of the colonial police forces during the process of British decolonisation and the transfer of powers in eight colonial territories. The book emphasises that the British adopted a 'colonial' solution to their problems in policing insurgency in Ireland. The book illustrates how the recruitment of Turkish Cypriot policemen to maintain public order against Greek Cypriot insurgents worsened the political situation confronting the British and ultimately compromised the constitutional settlement for the transfer powers. In Cyprus and Malaya, the origins and ethnic backgrounds of serving policemen determined the effectiveness which enabled them to carry out their duties. In 1914, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) of Ireland was the instrument of a government committed to 'Home Rule' or national autonomy for Ireland. As an agency of state coercion and intelligence-gathering, the police were vital to Britain's attempts to hold on to power in India, especially against the Indian National Congress during the agitational movements of the 1920s and 1930s. In April 1926, the Palestine police force was formally established. The shape of a rapidly rising rate of urban crime laid the major challenge confronting the Kenya Police.
resentment they often attracted. Thriving minorities were a cause for both celebration and vigilance, their robustness singling them out as potential threats to rust en orde (peace and order) as much as worthy recipients of Ethical welfare.
It was for similar reasons that, in the 1890s, the colonial government sent ethnographic photographers – Jean Demmeni and A. W. Nieuwenhuys (1864–1953) – to investigate political relations in Pontianak and Samarinda before establishing colonial offices there
This book examines the processes of nation building in the British West Indies. It argues that nation building was a complex and messy affair, involving women and men in a range of social and cultural activities, in a variety of migratory settings, within a unique geo-political context. Taking as a case study Barbados, which, in the 1930s, was the most economically impoverished, racially divided, socially disadvantaged and politically conservative of the British West Indian colonies, the book tells the messy, multiple stories of how a colony progressed to a nation. It tells all sides of the independence story.
In the 1930s, a series of crises transformed relationships between settlers and Aboriginal people in Australia’s Northern Territory. This book examines archives and texts of colonial administration to study the emergence of ideas and practices of indirect rule in this unlikely colonial situation. It demonstrates that the practice of indirect rule was everywhere an effect of Indigenous or ‘native’ people’s insistence on maintaining and reinventing their political formations, their refusal to be completely dominated, and their frustration of colonial aspirations to total control. These conditions of difference and contradiction, of the struggles of people in contact, produced a colonial state that was created both by settlers and by the ‘natives’ they sought to govern. By the late 1930s, Australian settlers were coming to understand the Northern Territory as a colonial formation requiring a new form of government. Responding to crises of social reproduction, public power, and legitimacy, they rethought the scope of settler colonial government by drawing on both the art of indirect rule and on a representational economy of Indigenous elimination to develop a new political dispensation that sought to incorporate and consume Indigenous production and sovereignties. This book locates Aboriginal history within imperial history, situating the settler colonial politics of Indigeneity in a broader governmental context. Australian settler governmentality, in other words, was not entirely exceptional; in the Northern Territory, as elsewhere, indirect rule emerged as part of an integrated, empire-wide repertoire of the arts of governing and colonising peoples.
Chosen peoples demonstrates how biblical themes, ideas and metaphors shaped narratives of racial, national and imperial identity in the long nineteenth century. Even and indeed especially amid spreading secularism, the development of professionalised science and the proclamation of ‘modernity’, biblical notions of lineage, descent and inheritance continued to inform understandings of race, nation and character at every level from the popular to the academic. Although new ideas and discoveries were challenging the historicity of the Bible, even markedly secular thinkers chose to explain their complex and radical ideas through biblical analogy. Denizens of the seething industrial cities of America and Europe championed or criticised them as New Jerusalems and Modern Babylons, while modern nation states were contrasted with or likened to Egypt, Greece and Israel. Imperial expansion prompted people to draw scriptural parallels, as European settler movements portrayed ‘new’ territories across the seas as lands of Canaan. Yet such language did not just travel in one direction. If many colonised and conquered peoples resisted the imposition of biblical narratives, they also appropriated biblical tropes to their own ends. These original case studies, by emerging and established scholars, throw new light on familiar areas such as slavery, colonialism and the missionary project, while opening up exciting cross-comparisons between race, identity and the politics of biblical translation and interpretation in South Africa, Egypt, Australia, America and Ireland. The book will be essential reading for academic, graduate and undergraduate readers in empire, race and global religion in the long nineteenth century.
1960s; similar pronouncements about proximity, accessibility, and interconnectedness were made in 1866 about the establishment of transatlantic telegraph lines, for example, and again in the aftermath of the First World War. 2 Nevertheless, the sense of living in a shrinking world was reinvigorated by the geopolitical shifts of the post-war period and its imagery became a prominent feature of political and associational life in the 1960s. In the pages of broadsheet newspapers the world was described as shrinking when markets expanded into new geographical areas
The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial
Richard Scully and Andrekos Varnava
Cartoons are sources that are ‘laden with clues to the social and political dynamics of any given time and culture’; and these clues and dynamics are often more revealing of what the past was ‘really like’ than the written word.
In part because of their emotive nature, their relative immediacy, and their many-layered meanings, cartoons are an excellent way of accessing past attitudes: ‘With some lines and a few words, we are instantly back in the
Between 1904 and 1942, the British consular representative and his subordinates in Xinjiang heard thousands of cases involving British defendants. The cases covered a range of issues, from civil suits involving marriage, land ownership and debt payments to criminal cases involving assault, arms and drug trafficking, and murder. Some of the cases were politically and culturally sensitive, raising questions about the nature and scope of British consular jurisdiction. In the previous chapter, I explored the legal frameworks of consular jurisdiction and highlighted