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Peter Maxwell-Stuart

grip on all its ministers and congregations. It is therefore simple Protestant propaganda which makes people think of Scotland as a Presbyterian country. There were Catholic enclaves in plenty; the Episcopalian Church (essentially an Anglican version or imitation), flourished in various parts of the Lowlands; and a variety of -isms which rose to bestrew the religious landscape, like mushrooms in the night.41 In 1690, to be sure, the Westminster Parliament had attempted to impose Presbyterian government on Scotland by statute, but the results were not what that body

in Beyond the witch trials
Abstract only
David J. Appleby

, and with religious rioting in London and elsewhere. Dissenters’ meeting houses in the West Country were attacked in 1715, just as they had been a few years earlier during the Sacheverell controversy.12 There was also disunity within the nonconformist community in Devon itself, with internecine feuding that would eventually lead to the ejection of two ministers from their Exeter congregations in 1719.13 After so many decades circulating in manuscript form, the decision to publish Atkins’s sermon in Exeter itself during a time of such intense local and national unrest

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
Abstract only
Peter Davies and Robert Light

opportunities for their congregations. This is often seen as showing a resolve to improve the health of the body, as well as of the mind, by promoting ‘rational recreation’. It was part of a general movement to reform traditional working-class leisure habits, which were increasingly seen as incompatible with the values of modern society. Promoting these activities was also an effective means of encouraging church attendance. As well as providing the crucial commodity of land on which to play, religious organisations were able to assist in the organisation and running of clubs

in Cricket and community in England
The religious politics of burial
Julie Rugg

3981 Churchyard and cemetery:Layout 1 3/7/13 08:47 Page 172 6 ‘No differences are so deep as those which arise over the grave’:1 the religious politics of burial It has been commented – not least by this writer – that the introduction of the cemetery undermined the Church of England’s near-monopoly of burial provision. Evidence from changing burial provision in North Yorkshire provokes a return to that supposition, and raises the question of how far the Church of England did indeed lose control of burial space in the second half of the nineteenth century

in Churchyard and cemetery
Rabbi Dr Solomon Schonfeld and Manchester
Bill Williams

as a hostel, they believed, for fifty young people of sixteen years and over. The Salford City Reporter quoted Fox as saying that his plan followed a meeting with the ‘Chief Rabbi’, at whose school in London the fifty youngsters were said to be.1 In fact, the article was a local journalist’s misreading of the link which Fox had established, not with the Chief Rabbi, but with the Chief Rabbi’s Religious Emergency Council which, its name notwithstanding, was the organisational base for the ‘manifold activities’ of the ‘inspired idealist’ and maverick British orthodox

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
Benjamin J. Elton

for Adler; they both wanted to show that ‘halakhah is a meaningful, edifying system’.67 Adler and Hirsch alike were operating in a post-Enlightenment world where reason was valued above all, and where Judaism could be respected by many only as a rational religion. Adler and Hirsch acknowledged the changed sociological reality brought by modernity and both sought to rationalise Judaism. Adler also emphasised practical benefits of halakhah. He told a congregation in 1900 that a religious home would be a happy home, for ‘if God is there, then love will enter and abide

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
William J. Bulman

polity, Robert Travers reminds us that ‘“modern” European empires had their roots in “early modern” conceptions of politics’. This chapter expands upon Travers’s observation. He points out that from the deeply historical and ideologically indeterminate perspective of ancient constitutionalism, supposedly despotic forms of political and religious governance could appear utterly appropriate to the ‘genius’ of particular regions and peoples, and possess both their own political rationality and legal underpinning. 6 Travers gives the impression that these discussions of

in Making the British empire, 1660–1800
Joseph Hardwick

of clergy. Training local candidates took time and bishops had to rely on whatever the SPG sent out to them. Broughton noted that there was a ‘vast variety of shades of opinion’ among his SPG recruits. 92 Bishops also had to keep in mind the religious opinions, prejudices and needs of their congregations. Had they not done this, bishops may well have been much more enthusiastic recruiters of

in An Anglican British World
Devotion, association and community
S. Karly Kehoe

radicalism.23 It was thought that the growth of Irish nationalist militancy and working-class activism could be contained, or at least directed, by providing alternative social and religious forums. Groups such as the Catholic Young Men’s Society (CYMS) in Edinburgh, for example, were introduced by clerics who were concerned for the reputation of their congregations. They and other groups and organisations like them enabled ‘some Irish’ the opportunity to access socialising networks that plugged them into Victorian respectability.24 When reporting on the activities of the

in Creating a Scottish Church
Patrick Collinson

include both Haller and his critics – used to think that we were dealing with a book, understood in the ordinary sense 194 John Foxe and national consciousness of that term, written by its author, subject to progressive revision but always the same book. Now Tom Betteridge tells us that each of the four English editions of Acts and Monuments produced in Foxe’s lifetime must be considered a distinct and different text, each differently motivated and constructed, in response to Catholic criticism and a changing religious environment.9 Freeman and others have

in This England