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The religious politics of burial

3981 Churchyard and cemetery:Layout 1 3/7/13 08:47 Page 172 6 ‘No differences are so deep as those which arise over the grave’:1 the religious politics of burial It has been commented – not least by this writer – that the introduction of the cemetery undermined the Church of England’s near-monopoly of burial provision. Evidence from changing burial provision in North Yorkshire provokes a return to that supposition, and raises the question of how far the Church of England did indeed lose control of burial space in the second half of the nineteenth century

in Churchyard and cemetery
Rabbi Dr Solomon Schonfeld and Manchester

as a hostel, they believed, for fifty young people of sixteen years and over. The Salford City Reporter quoted Fox as saying that his plan followed a meeting with the ‘Chief Rabbi’, at whose school in London the fifty youngsters were said to be.1 In fact, the article was a local journalist’s misreading of the link which Fox had established, not with the Chief Rabbi, but with the Chief Rabbi’s Religious Emergency Council which, its name notwithstanding, was the organisational base for the ‘manifold activities’ of the ‘inspired idealist’ and maverick British orthodox

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’

for Adler; they both wanted to show that ‘halakhah is a meaningful, edifying system’.67 Adler and Hirsch alike were operating in a post-Enlightenment world where reason was valued above all, and where Judaism could be respected by many only as a rational religion. Adler and Hirsch acknowledged the changed sociological reality brought by modernity and both sought to rationalise Judaism. Adler also emphasised practical benefits of halakhah. He told a congregation in 1900 that a religious home would be a happy home, for ‘if God is there, then love will enter and abide

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970

of clergy. Training local candidates took time and bishops had to rely on whatever the SPG sent out to them. Broughton noted that there was a ‘vast variety of shades of opinion’ among his SPG recruits. 92 Bishops also had to keep in mind the religious opinions, prejudices and needs of their congregations. Had they not done this, bishops may well have been much more enthusiastic recruiters of

in An Anglican British World
Devotion, association and community

radicalism.23 It was thought that the growth of Irish nationalist militancy and working-class activism could be contained, or at least directed, by providing alternative social and religious forums. Groups such as the Catholic Young Men’s Society (CYMS) in Edinburgh, for example, were introduced by clerics who were concerned for the reputation of their congregations. They and other groups and organisations like them enabled ‘some Irish’ the opportunity to access socialising networks that plugged them into Victorian respectability.24 When reporting on the activities of the

in Creating a Scottish Church

include both Haller and his critics – used to think that we were dealing with a book, understood in the ordinary sense 194 John Foxe and national consciousness of that term, written by its author, subject to progressive revision but always the same book. Now Tom Betteridge tells us that each of the four English editions of Acts and Monuments produced in Foxe’s lifetime must be considered a distinct and different text, each differently motivated and constructed, in response to Catholic criticism and a changing religious environment.9 Freeman and others have

in This England
The nineteenth-century roots of segregationist folk theology in the American South

In March 1965 a new church was founded in Memphis, Tennessee. Although there was no shortage of churches in the city, it became necessary to launch a new congregation, because racial conflict had precipitated a split at the 3,500-member Second Presbyterian church when it became clear that hardline segregationists were no longer welcome there. The issue had been whether the church's Session – its board of lay leaders – should admit groups of black and white students who had come intending to worship on about a dozen occasions between March 1964

in Chosen peoples
Religious networks

congregation on 2 December 1565 and the couple donated funds to support the Church.157 The epitaph on Katherine’s death by Robert Masson, a minister of the French Church, may have been written in recognition of her support.158 Both Anne and Katherine’s religious networks stretched beyond the capital. Katherine was in contact with the Scots Presbyterian Andrew Melville, as demonstrated by his epitaph on her death, and Anne’s networks stretched into Europe, as shown by her correspondence with Theodore de Bèze in 1581.159 In the 1580s the Genevan community was undergoing severe

in The Cooke sisters

as sickness and death. In this way oral and print traditions interacted in the popular activity of singing which also articulated group identity by focusing on congregations and families in the dissenting world while at the same time conveying messages about correct ways of interpreting experience and scripture.97 III If Protestantism in all its forms used printed books as a way of giving shape to the religious impulse, Catholicism used a wider range of devotional aids. Saints’ cults and sacramentals supplemented the main devotional activity of the mass but at

in Reading Ireland
Political drinking in the seventeenth century

alehouse legislation was accompanied by a rising tide of religious anti-drink literature. That alehouses posed a secular threat to the ideological power of religion had long been recognised. Following the publication of the Bible in English, Thomas Cranmer had sent a declaration to be read to congregations, forbidding any ‘open reasoning’ on scripture ‘in your open taverns or alehouses … and other places, unmet for such conference’.1 ‘Open reasoning’ was a threat to ecclesiastical power, and alehouses – democratic by nature – were no place to fathom the mysteries of

in The politics of alcohol