The challenge of the sublime argues that the unprecedented visual inventiveness of the Romantic period in Britain could be seen as a response to theories of the sublime, more specifically to Edmund Burke’s Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757). While it is widely accepted that the Enquiry contributed to shaping the thematics of terror that became fashionable in British art from the 1770s, this book contends that its influence was of even greater consequence, paradoxically because of Burke’s conviction that the visual arts were incapable of conveying the sublime. His argument that the sublime was beyond the reach of painting, because of the mimetic nature of visual representation, directly or indirectly incited visual artists to explore not just new themes, but also new compositional strategies and even new or undeveloped pictorial and graphic media, such as the panorama, book illustrations and capricci. More significantly, it began to call into question mimetic representational models, causing artists to reflect about the presentation of the unpresentable and the inadequacy of their endeavours, and thus drawing attention to the process of artistic production itself, rather than the finished artwork. By revisiting the links between eighteenth-century aesthetic theory and visual practices, The challenge of the sublime establishes new interdisciplinary connections which address researchers in the fields of art history, cultural studies and aesthetics.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
This collection explores how concepts of intellectual or learning disability evolved from a range of influences, gradually developing from earlier and decidedly distinct concepts, including ‘idiocy’ and ‘folly’, which were themselves generated by very specific social and intellectual environments. With essays extending across legal, educational, literary, religious, philosophical, and psychiatric histories, this collection maintains a rigorous distinction between historical and contemporary concepts in demonstrating how intellectual disability and related notions were products of the prevailing social, cultural, and intellectual environments in which they took form, and themselves performed important functions within these environments. Focusing on British and European material from the middle ages to the late nineteenth century, this collection asks ‘How and why did these concepts form?’ ‘How did they connect with one another?’ and ‘What historical circumstances contributed to building these connections?’ While the emphasis is on conceptual history or a history of ideas, these essays also address the consequences of these defining forces for the people who found themselves enclosed by the shifting definitional field.
the bourgeoisie in the colonies and on whether the colonial working masses
were the only truly progressive force, but the importance attributed to antiimperialist struggles, not least to create more favourable conditions for the Soviet
state, did not waver. The Comintern, which had been set up in 1919 to coordinate the work of communist parties, expected the CPGB to play a leading role
in the struggle against Britishimperialism. The party’s support for anticolonialism and opposition to race discrimination which communists held to be
endemic to colonial rule
pronounced by 1914. 4 They impacted on the political and socio-economic
conditions, on local relations with the British colonialists and between
the two main religious groups. British rule ‘modernised’
Cyprus, facilitating significant population growth, yet its
inconsequence to Britishimperialism and strategy in the region meant
little economic development, with the corresponding lack of employment
‘they did not always trust Britain to put Australia’s interests first’. 58 At the same time, however, he either
greatly underestimates or ignores the primary evidence supporting the conclusion that, while
holding out the hand of friendship towards British workers and their labour movement, many
within the Australian movement remained not only suspicious, but also hostile towards the
British upper classes and, in some instances, Britishimperialism.
The labour movement’s criticisms at this period in time were
of Kashgar (Xinjiang) and Tengyue (western Yunnan). Here, at the periphery of the Chinese and British Empires, consuls exercised law over British communities. Extraterritoriality was a central part of Britishimperialism in China, but law played out differently on the frontiers compared to the treaty ports on the east coast. This book has provided a new narrative of the British presence in two western regions, demonstrating how the exercise of law was an essential part of Britishimperialism across frontiers. Through exploring the legal presence and practice of
nascent anti-colonial forces from both the nationalist right and the
communist left, believing too much in the power of the British Empire
and failing to understand that that the peasant and labouring classes
had needs that required addressing. Britishimperialism needed to win
over hearts and minds and the opportunity to win over veterans of such
numbers was a missed opportunity.
British power did not
gender, race and class as formed within a
context of Britishimperialism. The story of chocolate consumption and
production therefore suggests new ways into an analysis of the British
empire and its significance for women who have been positioned at
different points along the chain.
The Rowntree firm provided a useful means of
concentrating my analysis in the face of a huge global industry, and of
labouring classes ‘volunteer’? Where they pushed,
pulled or both? Did they control their service conditions and
experiences? As Spivak asks, ‘can the subaltern
speak?’ 92 They were sought after but were they able, in what
Homi Bhabha called the ‘liminal space’, to negotiate with
their colonisers? 93
Britishimperialism largely met the needs of the peasant and labouring