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The Oxfordshire rising of 1596

had not been the immediate answer to that question. The poor’s initial response had been to petition authority. Shortly before Michaelmas 1596, ‘a greate companie’ had visited the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Norris, and petitioned for relief. Their petitioning, however, had involved an element of coercion. They were reported to have told Norris, ‘that yf they Could not have remedie, they would seek remedie themselves, and Cast down hedges and dytches, and knocke down gentlemen’. More direct appeals may have been made to individual gentlemen to honour the obligations of

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England

administered the Poor Law at a local level and the Local Government Board for Ireland, and between nationalists and the Dublin Castle administration. In a curious coincidence of history, the pandemic in Ireland ran parallel with the so-​called ‘German’ plot (Chapter 8). This was a scheme devised by the administration to intern leading anti-​conscription campaigners, as the administration, which was led by newly appointed Lord Lieutenant Sir John French, sought to impose conscription in Ireland in 1918. It became part of the Sinn Féin propaganda machine, as it killed two of

in Stacking the coffins

seems to have been a note which – supposedly through malice on the part of a young Sinn Féin member on the Freeman’s staff – fell into Griffith’s hands in 1914. It was a personal note from Lady Aberdeen, wife of the Lord Lieutenant, to W. H. Brayden, the Rafter, Irish journalism before independence.indd 179 28/07/2011 11:24:04 180 Irish journalism before independence editor of the Freeman – in which she praised an editorial written by Brayden and congratulated him on the part he had played in what then seemed the imminent achievement of their common goal of Home

in Irish journalism before independence
Abstract only

’.12 The tenor of these opening remarks is broadly nationalist but also ameliorative, and, combined with the touch of humour that evidently inflected the speech, Stopford Green’s rhetorical strategies suggest she was promoting a broader and more inclusive version of politics to and for Ireland than was allowed for by prevailing nationalist and unionist binaries. The setting and the predispositions of the hosting organisation, however, provided a much narrower political framework. The presence of the Lord Chief Justice and the Lord Lieutenant, both of whom gave the

in Irish women’s writing, 1878–1922
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included Messrs Introduction 5 Quinn and Delaney from Kildare, William Putnam McCabe, a long-time Belfast activist, George Palmer and James Farrell. Significantly, this group maintained contact with and deferred to the movement’s original leaders, most of whom now were imprisoned in Kilmainham.12 As a result of McGucken’s information, much of the reconstituted leadership was compromised, and in early April 1799, the Lord Lieutenant ordered the arrest of Emmet, Wright, O’Hanlon, Baird, Lawson, Howell and Farrell.13 In due course, the authorities ‘took up’ Baird

in In the wake of the great rebellion
Naming and the numbers game

instance, one Tory councillor introduced himself as someone who had been ‘born and brought up’ in Dumfriesshire while another activist said he was ‘born and bred’ in nearby Annan. As the Lord Lieutenant of Dumfries explained when he gave evidence: ‘I have been in Dumfriesshire – I have lived in Dumfriesshire for over 70 years – and my family before me a long time longer. So I know this county fairly well, I think.’ Following Edwards (2000), then, I suggest that activists made claims to indigenous ‘expertise’ based on two alternative kinds of experience: that gained

in Devolution and the Scottish Conservatives
An assessment

occasion when one of his workmen dropped one of the mirrors which the Earl had himself made with many hours of personal labour. ‘The only remark of his lordship was that “accidents will happen”.’16 14 15 Girouard 1965. Parsons L. 1967. Mollan, William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse double column foonotes.indd 336 16 Ball 1895, 288. 08/05/2014 10:40:00 The 3rd Earl of Rosse: an assessment 337 But, even as Lord Oxmantown, he had to take a stern role in maintaining civic order, since he was Lord Lieutenant of the County and Colonel of the Militia. Margaret Hogan

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
The immigration process

dealing with tenants in arrear.65 However, the Phoenix Park murders on 6 May when the newly appointed Lord Lieutenant, Lord Frederick Cavendish, and his Under Secretary, Thomas H. Burke, were killed by a secret republican organisation, the Invincibles, produced further coercive 64 NARA, D/S, USC, 8, 8, T196, Brooks to Hitt, 24 August 1881; ibid., USB, 9, 9, T368, Livermore to Hitt, 10 October 1881. Arthur Wood’s correspondence between August 1881 and January 1884 did not refer to the Land War. See NARA, D/S, USB, 8, 8, T368. 65 Comerford, The Fenians, 240

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913
Consular work in Ireland, 1790–1907

Gillespie (eds), The journal of Benjamin Moran, 1857–65, i, 17 August 1859. 52 NARA, D/S, USB, 1, 1, T368, McDowell to Buchanan, 14 December 1848. 53 Ibid., USL, 1, 1, T216, Loughead to Buchanan, 19 October 1848; ibid., MacBride to Lord Lieutenant, 7 September 1848; ibid., Redington to MacBride, 18 September 1848. 54 Ibid., USG, 1, 1, T570, Fees, 1862. 55 O’Donald Mays, Mr Hawthorne, 118. Whelan_02_Ch2A.indd 64 17/06/2010 10:06 Consular work, 1790–1907 65 docked in one year, was proud that US shipping laws guaranteed to the sailor of whatever nationality

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913
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died in political exile in San Francisco. In 1867, even larger numbers turned out for a mock funeral procession for the ‘Manchester Martyrs’, three Fenians hanged in England for their part in the killing of a policeman. In neither case did government try to intervene. In 1869, during a series of mass meetings calling for an amnesty for other imprisoned Fenians, the Lord Lieutenant, Earl Spencer, refused to suppress the gatherings, on the grounds that ‘no free government [could] object to public meetings for any legitimate object’. Two years later, during a visit by

in Civic identity and public space