Matthew Worley, Keith Gildart, Anna Gough-Yates, Sian Lincoln and Bill Osgerby
, Senseless Acts of Beauty: Cultures
of Resistance since theSixties (London: Verso, 1996); Marcus, Lipstick Traces.
19 The original steering committee that founded the Network comprised: Jon Garland,
Keith Gildart, Anna Gough-Yates, Paul Hodkinson, Sian Lincoln, Bill Osgerby, Lucy
Robinson, John Street, Pete Webb and Matthew Worley.
20 For information on the Networks and news of its activities, see www.reading.ac.uk/
history/research/hist-subcultures.aspx. A Facebook page is also available under the
name ‘Subcultures, popular music and social change’.
Hungry Years: Confessions of a Food Addict . London : Bloomsbury .
Manvell , Roger ( 1955 ), The Film and The Public , London : Penguin Books .
Marwick , Arthur ( 1982 ), British Society Since 1945 , London : Pelican Books .
Marwick , Arthur ( 1998 ), TheSixties: Cultural Revolution in Britain, France, Italy, and the United States, c.1958–c.1974 , Oxford : Oxford University Press .
Medhurst , Andy ( 1992 ), ‘Carry On Camp’ , Sight & Sound , August, 16 – 20 .
Medhurst , Andy ( 2007 ), A National
‘administrative convenience should not
guide democracy in Wales’.
BEYOND DEVOLUTION AND DECENTRALISATION
The backbench Assembly members interviewed in 2001 and 2002 clearly
were politically inexperienced and bewildered by the complexity of the governing arrangements. Only seven of thesixty Assembly Members elected in
1999 had previously held Westminster mandates, and most had a background
in local government. In most interviews with Assembly members from all
parties, strong demands were formulated for new powers. A majority of
members interviewed favoured moving to a
Upanishads. The significance of this moment
should not be underestimated:
Kerouac’s reading of Walden, and later of Buddhist teachings,
clearly marked a new era in his life, but it also marked a new
era in the life of the nation, since Kerouac’s awakening to
Buddhism stirred similar searches in other members of the
Beat Generation, and in the hippies of thesixties, thus helping
to bend postwar counterculture eastward. Just as Kerouac, in
a mood of desolation over a lost love and a large pile of
unpublished manuscripts, had turned to Thoreau and to
Buddhist texts, many
to a formal commitment
to nationalisation, Labour was ‘social reformist’ ‘by tradition and practice’, although the balance between the two was ‘constantly shifting’.135
Labour’s course in the late 1950s and early 1960s appeared to vindicate
Foot’s assessment. As the New Left writer Perry Anderson noted, by
passing the policy document Industry and Society in 1957 the party conference legitimised capitalism, although it assumed an anti-capitalist
stance when Signposts for theSixties was embraced three years later.136
Despite this apparent indeterminacy, many
’s modernity.92 With these
objects in mind, in July 1960 Phillips presented to the NEC a document
entitled ‘The state of the party’, which: was subsequently expanded and
given the more optimistic title of ‘The future of the party’; eventually
became Labour in theSixties; was elaborated into the pamphlet series
Signposts for theSixties; and finally formed the basis for Labour’s 1964
The NEC commended Labour in theSixties to the 1960 conference,
although it did not, as was customary with such documents, endorse it.
Instead, it was designated as ‘the work of the
; Modern Records Centre (MRC),
Labour Party West Midlands Region papers, MSS6/3/1/368, organiser’s report.
26 South West Region papers, 38423/20, Whiles to Cox, 4 May 1966.
27 Report of the Thirty-Eighth National Conference of Labour Women (1961), pp.
28 Report of theSixty-Seventh Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1968),
pp. 119–28; Report of the Forty-Sixth National Conference of Labour Women
(1969), pp. 35–6.
29 LPA, NEC minutes, 23 April 1969, B. Lockwood, Forty-sixth national conference of Labour women, NAD/W49/4/69.
30 NLWAC minutes, 2 June and 8
Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 18–19.
6 Report of theSixty-Seventh Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1968), pp.
7 M. Taylor, ‘Labour and the constitution’, in D. Tanner, P. Thane and N.
Tiratsoo (eds), Labour’s First Century (Cambridge, 2000).
8 L. Barrow and I. Bullock, Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement,
1880–1914 (Cambridge, 1996).
9 P. Joyce, Realignment of the Left? A History of the Relationship Between the Liberal
Democrat and Labour Parties (1999), pp. 70–2; N. Riddell, Labour in Crisis. The
Second Labour Government, 1929
. The ‘aged, the sick and other dependent groups [were] increasingly
looking [to Labour] for their salvation’.19 As the contradictions of the ‘afﬂuent
age’ become increasingly clear Labour needed to engage with the new beneﬁciaries,
but it also needed to expose the limits of afﬂuence to defend its victims. Revisionists
argued that technological development had changed the world since Labour’s
previous successes. Support for Morgan Phillips’ Labour in theSixties argued that
technological changes separated the experiences of the 1930s from those of the
1960s. A forward
Law reform, homosexual identity and the role of counter-culture
existing institutions. Surrounding them with a wider turn
to a politics of personal experience through culture, was developing.
CND: the revolution began as a dove107
The National Campaign Against Nuclear Testing was set up in 1957. In 1958 CND
began a series of protest marches between London and Aldermaston that attracted
Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
10,000 people and gained signiﬁcant press coverage. An often cited quote from
International Times explains the signiﬁcance of CND for ‘thesixties’:
The Revolution began as a dove, with a CND sign on its