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Foreign culture, race and the Anglicisation of popular dance

theatrical dance, as well as dance halls, also expressed strong concerns about growing competition from American movies, music and stage acts. Various policies were thus enacted across Britain’s entertainment economy to limit cultural imports from the United States, and, as this chapter will show, the dance profession found its own ways to combat foreign influence. Continually expressing that dancing was a manifestation of national character, temperament or race, the profession altered foreign dances through the standardisation process in a way that consciously ‘Anglicised

in Dancing in the English style

mill-owners immediately accused their Dundee counterparts of hypocrisy in claiming to be concerned about the plight of the Indian workers. At the Indian Jute Mills Association annual meeting in 1895 George Lyall declared that ‘the Dundee Chamber of Commerce has told us quite frankly that their object is to put a stop to a competition which threatens serious danger to them, and that to

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century
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increasing uniformity, as C.A. Bayly has shown. 10 Similarity in practices and ideas may have actually heightened competition among colonising powers as each sought to distinguish itself. This volume shows that there was a great deal of ‘othering’ by Europeans – not just of Africans and Asians, but of other Europeans. As Gissibl and Kuitenbrouwer demonstrate, the British were objects of admiration, envy and

in European empires and the people

148 The emergence of footballing cultures 7 Football as a business The Football League The establishment of the Football League in 1888 and Newton Heath’s participation in the Alliance, combined with success in the Manchester Cup, had provided the Manchester clubs with examples of what could be achieved. The Alliance, although not as successful as the Football League, did provide competition and Newton Heath were joined by Ardwick in 1891 after their first success in the Manchester Cup. By the end of the 1891–92 season both clubs wanted to establish

in The emergence of footballing cultures
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Governmental power and authority in democratic ecological governance

out as an ideal type, its practical implementation will most certainly involve conflicts and compromises on both accounts. Compared to historic patterns of resource management and behaviour, ecological governance for sustainability implies ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ in terms of individual autonomy and freedom of choice different from those we are used to identifying in traditional struggles over social and economic issues of development. Governments engaging in efforts to bring about sustainable development will thus encounter political opposition and competition among

in Sweden and ecological governance
Success or failure?

Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.

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The military in British art, 1815-1914

In an age when engraving and photography were making artistic images available to a much wider public, artists were able to influence public attitudes more powerfully than ever before. This book examines works of art on military themes in relation to ruling-class ideologies about the army, war and the empire. The first part of the book is devoted to a chronological survey of battle painting, integrated with a study of contemporary military and political history. The chapters link the debate over the status and importance of battle painting to contemporary debates over the role of the army and its function at home and abroad. The second part discusses the intersection of ideologies about the army and military art, but is concerned with an examination of genre representations of soldiers. Another important theme which runs through the book is the relation of English to French military art. During the first eighty years of the period under review France was the cynosure of military artists, the school against which British critics measured their own, and the place from which innovations were imported and modified. In every generation after Waterloo battle painters visited France and often trained there. The book shows that military art, or the 'absence' of it, was one of the ways in which nationalist commentators articulated Britain's moral superiority. The final theme which underlies much of the book is the shifts which took place in the perception of heroes and hero-worship.

The P&O Company and the Politics of Empire from its origins to 1867

This book is a study on the history of the P&O shipping company, paying due attention to the context of nineteenth-century imperial politics that so significantly shaped the company's development. Based chiefly on unpublished material in the P&O archives and in the National Archives and on contemporary official publications, it covers the crucial period from the company's origins to 1867. After presenting new findings about the company's origins in the Irish transport industry, the book charts the extension of the founders' interests from the Iberian Peninsula to the Mediterranean, India, China and Australia. In so doing it deals also with the development of the necessary financial infrastructure for P&O's operations, with the founders' attitudes to technical advances, with the shareholding base, with the company's involvement in the opium trade, and with its acquisition of mail, Admiralty and other government contracts. It was the P&O's status as a government contractor that, above all else, implicated its fortunes in the wider politics of empire, and the book culminates in an episode which illustrates this clearly: the company's rescue from the edge of a financial precipice by the award of a new government mail contract prompted, among other things, by the Abyssinian expedition of 1867.

How does the European Union affect devolution and nationalist conflict in member states? Does the EU reduce the scope of regional self-government or enhance it? Does it promote conflict or cooperation among territorial entities? These are pressing questions in Spanish politics, where devolution has been an important tool for managing nationalist disputes, and for the Basque Country, where protracted and sometimes violent nationalist conflicts persist. Addressing these issues, this book explores prospects for an autonomous Basque role in EU politics; institutional arrangements for autonomous community participation in EU decision making; Basque government alliances with other regions and the EU's supranational bodies; EU incentives for collaboration among Basque and central state authorities; the impact of EU decisions on politically sensitive Basque competencies; and the incidence of EU issues in nationalist disputes. It presents a theoretical framework for analysing the impact of the EU on regional power.

Neoliberalism, free trade and the global economy

The ‘globalisation’ concept has become ubiquitous in British politics, as it has in many countries of the world. This book examines discourse on foreign economic policy to determine the impact of globalisation across the ideological landscape of British politics. It critically interrogates the assumption that the idea of globalisation is derivative solely of neo-liberal ideology by profiling the discourse on globalisation of five political groups involved in making and contesting British foreign economic policy between 1997 and 2009: New Labour, International Financial Services London, the Liberal Democrats, Oxfam and the Socialist Workers Party. In addition to the relationship between neo-liberalism and globalisation, the book also explores the core meaning of the idea of globalisation, the implications for the principle of free trade, the impact on notions of the state, nation-state and global governance, and whether globalisation means different things across the ideological spectrum. Topically, it examines how the responses to the global financial crisis have been shaped by globalisation discourse and the value of ideology as an analytical concept able to mitigate debates on the primacy of material and ideational explanations in political economy.