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Zionism and Israel as role models in Islamist writing

constitutional monarchy, accepted this reality, but he declared that competition between political parties breaches Islamic law because Islam demands the unity of its believers. His wasati successors, mainly al-Ghazali and al-Qaradawi, adopted the approach that shura is democracy in Islam.59 They called for the adoption of certain elements of Western democracy and the rejection of others, based on the conception that it is legitimate for a Muslim to learn from the achievements of the infidels so long as they are not in contradiction with the laws of Islam.60 According to their

in Zionism in Arab discourses

, perhaps mindful that he faced severe competition in his bid to seek reappointment as Licenser, Sir John Berkenhead attempted to blacken L’Estrange’s reputation by alleging that his rival was a Catholic sympathiser who had written a book against the King.58 At the same time, Berkenhead attempted to reassert his own credentials by publishing two anti-Presbyterian works. The first, The Assembly Man (1663) reproduced a manuscript that had originally been written in 1647 to castigate those who had colluded in the death of Archbishop Laud. Intriguingly, he alluded to the need

in Black Bartholomew’s Day

of the marketplace provided the antidote to the brutal competition associated with the public sphere. Jesus, as he was traditionally represented, did not require a feminine counterpoint to his work of salvation, which ignored the boundary between public and private, as he himself was represented in the gospels and in the Christian tradition as obscuring the distinctions between masculine and feminine. Describing Jesus as both masculine and feminine eliminated Mary (and the feminine generally) as a competitor to the masculine as embodied by the Saviour, the role

in Victorians and the Virgin Mary

son to inherit!’111 It was also important symbolically: in an age of commercial competition, female virginity functioned as a promise of innocence, purity, and passivity to offset masculine aggression. Dinah Morris, Stephen Blackpool’s friend Rachael, Agnes Wickfield, and numerous other maiden heroines in Victorian literature serve as the guiding moral lights to the men who struggle with their passions and to make a place for themselves in the world. The Catholic Virgin Mary was nevertheless an anomaly in Victorian culture, as most women preferred to be married

in Victorians and the Virgin Mary

hard to get: a policy which was all the more effective because the reluctance was genuine. One final piece of good luck helped to ensure that Scotland saw England as more trustworthy than France in 1559–60. Since James V’s death, the presence of a female sovereign had destabilised Scotland’s international position. During the 1540s, the competition between England and France was not for a Scottish alliance, but for a Scottish marriage which would allow the victor to swallow the kingdom entirely. In 1559, however, Mary Stewart was married and England had an unmarried

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation
St Thérèse of Lisieux, St Bernadette Soubirous and the Forty Martyrs

driver, found devotion to the popular ‘patron saint of travellers, St Christopher’.13 The Catholic press in the 1950s reinforced this understanding of a customised relationship between the believer and the saints, with the Catholic Times offering colouring competitions on the life of St Antony,14 cartoons depicting the trials of the Reformation martyr, Blessed Robert Southwell,15 and a weekly ‘Saint of the week’ column. Detailed lives of the saints remained perennially popular, with one of the most successful being Father Martindale’s acclaimed BBC broadcasts on holy

in Faith in the family
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gives his translation an apostolic function by placing it within a Pentecostal context. In the process Copland claims for his ‘lytell boke’ a degree of authority that potentially puts him in competition with the clergy. If Copland’s translation can partake of the universal Pentecostal mission that Christ left his followers, then what does this imply about its writer? Does he participate in the book’s apostolic grace? The potentially radical nature of these questions is partly mitigated by the book’s original saintly authorship. Copland is also careful in this verse to

in Literature and politics in the English Reformation
Competition and cooperation?

14 Reichenau and its amici viventes: ­competition and cooperation? Régine Le Jan In the ninth century religious and political domains were closely intertwined:  empire was identified with ecclesia and the royal palace with the sacrum palatium.1 As miles Christi, the emperor, in close cooperation with the bishops, was in charge of the Church – i.e. of Christian society and its salvation – while Carolingian elites, deeply filled by Christian values, were anxious about salvation. Church reform had been a constant preoccupation of Carolingian rulers since at least

in Religious Franks

The church as sacred space places the reader at the heart of medieval religious life, standing inside the church with the medieval laity in order to ask what the church meant to them and why. It examines the church as a building, idea, and community, and explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was crucial to its place at the centre of lay devotion and parish life. At a time when the parish church was facing competition for lay attention, and dissenting movements such as Lollardy were challenging the relevance of the material church, the book examines what was at stake in discussions of sanctity and its manifestations. Exploring a range of Middle English literature alongside liturgy, architecture, and material culture, the book explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was constructed and maintained for the edification of the laity. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary theoretical approaches, the book offers a reading of the church as continually produced and negotiated by the rituals, performances, and practices of its lay communities, who were constantly being asked to attend to its material form, visual decorations, and significance. The meaning of the church was a dominant question in late-medieval religious culture and this book provides an invaluable context for students and academics working on lay religious experience and canonical Middle English texts.

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Religion and power in the Frankish Kingdoms: studies in honour of Mayke de Jong

This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.