Paul Copeland

process in CEE is more complex and that domestic social structures and the influence of international institutions has varied considerably. The result is a difference between the varieties of capitalism of CEE, with a neoliberal variety in the Baltic States, an embedded neoliberalism version in the Visegrád four, neo-corporatism in Slovenia and ‘cocktail capitalism’ in Bulgaria and Romania. The Baltic States are distinguished by radically liberalised markets, a thoroughly reformed marketsupporting institutional framework and the least generous welfare states in CEE. In

in EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension
Domestic politics, global linkages
Ian Taylor

Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, SAIS Review, 22 (1): 103–18. Obi, C. (2005) ‘Globalization and Local Resistance: The Case of Shell Versus the Ogoni’, in L. Amoore (ed.), The Global Resistance Reader, London: Routledge. Obi, C. (2009) ‘Scrambling for Oil in West Africa?’, in H. Melber and R.  Southall (eds), A New Scramble for Africa, Scottsville: University of Kwazulu-­Natal Press.. Othman, S. (1989) ‘Nigeria: Power for Profit – Class, Corporatism, and Factionalism in the Military’, in D.B. Cruise O’Brien, J. Dunn and R. Rathbone (eds), Contemporary West

in The European Union in Africa
Tom Woodin

energy and enthusiasm necessary to a voluntary movement. The corporatism and fixed institutional settings of the post-war world were being shaken by the winds of Thatcherism and its injection of commercialism into the social fabric. It was not only the trade unions that were under scrutiny; many public bodies were subjected to it as well. From the inside it regularly looked like the world could fall apart; ‘we’ve got to keep our limits or else we lose all sense of coherence’, Bragg is reported as saying at a meeting.60 It was this coherence that was being eroded from

in Working-class writing and publishing in the late twentieth century
David Arter

reflected their perceived value for interest groups. Groups often press committees to stage hearings, so giving neo-corporatism in Norway a curiously parliamentary dimension. Just how far the change in work practice with the introduction of open hearings has increased public interest in, and popular understanding of, the legislative process must remain an open question. If public interest can be measured by television viewing figures (admittedly a crude indicator) their record seems mixed. Millions of Swedes watched the Constitution Committee hearings over the summer of

in Scandinavian politics today
Eric Shaw

‘labour market flexibility’ – the gap between the Government and the unions is now alarmingly wide, though in other areas the balance sheet for the unions is much more positive. North-European-style corporatism will not be introduced, one can confidently predict, under New Labour, but at least the unions are once more ‘insiders’. Conversely, though the party is much less reliant on trade union money than in the past, it is still heavily dependent for the effective conduct of election campaigns on the unions’ resources – manpower, office space and equipment. Indeed, as

in Interpreting the Labour Party
State-based institutions to advocate for gender equality
Anne Marie Goetz

civil society they rarely represent a highly mobilized constituency, at the domestic level their interests are often closely bound in with those of men in the family, and in politics and public administration they are under-represented and have rarely acted to entrench a new feminist corporatism. As such, the chance of fundamental changes towards gender equality actually being realized is negligible, given the relative absence of forceful and demanding constituencies within and outside of the state. As a result, far from having anything to fear from women, many

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Martha Doyle

acknowledges that neo-corporatism also plays an important role. Cradden (2003) also contends that interest groups in Ireland operate at a neo-corporatist level. However, he qualifies this position by suggesting that the constellation of Irish interest groups is at odds with the traditional corporatist definitions and that instead Ireland has a ‘uniquely Irish neo-corporatist [welfare] model – one that incorporates both “classical” and “competitive” characteristics, and represents, as it were, neo-liberalism with a social conscience’ (ibid.: 95). Cradden’s (2003

in The politics of old age
Brid Quinn and Bernadette Connaughton

inclusiveness with some commentators going so far as to claim it is a ‘myth’ and that a critical examination of the functioning of social partnership and the ‘celtic tiger’ presents a picture of increasing inequalities (Allen, 2000). Although some groups are not engaged in the process, the institutionalisation of interestgroup activity in social partnership is interpreted as a new form of governance. For House and McGrath (2004: 29) Irish social partnership goes beyond continental corporatism in several important ways since it is more inclusive, covering a large array of

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
The working lives of paid carers from 1800 to the 1990s
Anne Borsay and Pamela Dale

corporatism offered by the Royal College of Nursing.40 Vicky Long (chapter 6) draws attention to growing tension between evoking sympathy for staff and patients on the basis that both groups had to share an unacceptably grim environment and the idea that attendants deserved improved pay to compensate them for the inhumanity of their charges. Ideas of shared citizenship were therefore deeply problematic and an obstacle to achieving the aspirations for better care that lay behind the 1930 Mental Treatment Act. Ambivalence about the aims and methods of treating mental

in Mental health nursing
Abstract only
Simon Bulmer and Martin Burch

officials who have had to deal with EU policy as part of their routine governmental business has grown very significantly since 1973. The reception of European integration in the British political system has left few political forces, institutions or policy areas untouched. The impact of European integration upon British governance, furthermore, has not been confined to concrete procedural or institutional impacts but has also extended into the realm of ideas about politics, governance and policy. Corporatism, christian democracy, multi-level governance and subsidiarity

in The Europeanisation of Whitehall