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other authors’; it is part of her project to recover this lost past, which covers a broader historical sweep than the direct postmemorial engagement with the wars seen in the other works discussed. Waters’s interest in the war lies in the social change, and relative freedom for lesbians, that it briefly allowed, and in how in wartime, the previously private and secret can be laid open, offering both an analogy and an opportunity for the fictionalised uncovering of these hidden lives. Waters’s interest in the period came originally from reading Days of Mars, a memoir

in Reading behind the lines

Coligny (their names were not mentioned, though that of the Guises was clearly suggested).25 Charles IX was, however, determined to erase the initial incoherence and to provide the neighbouring countries, and especially the Protestant ones, with a ‘truth’ that conformed to his declaration of 26 August to the parlement of Paris. On 26 August, he despatched to England a ‘true memoir of how things really happened in the recent commotion’, in which he explained how the ‘Admiral’s faction’ had conspired against him and the punishment he had received for it.26 But as this

in The Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre

book has challenged the traditional interpretation by demonstrating that Luynes was not the timid, bungling opportunist described by Richelieu. Notes 1 Michel de Marolles, Mémoires, 3 vols. (Paris, 1656), I, 46–7; Emile Baudson, Charles de Gonzague, duc de Nevers (Paris, 1947), pp. 159–61, 203. 2 Roland Mousnier, The Institutions of France, 2 vols., Society and State, trans. Brian Pearce (Chicago, 1979), I, 139–46; idem, L’Homme rouge ou la vie du Cardinal de Richelieu (Paris, 1992), pp. 152–3; Julian Pitt-Rivers, “Honor and Social Status,” in Honor and Shame, ed

in Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII
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Women in the Vietnam War

brought home in Lynda Van Devanter’s Vietnam War memoir, Home before Morning, where a crucial image is represented in the dream she records on the ending of the war in 1973: ‘Thousands of American mothers were walking in the streets of Saigon, carrying the bloody bodies of their dead sons. Above the wailing, screaming, and gnashing of teeth, one word was constantly repeated:  Why?7 [original italics]. The image of collective suffering not only positions the nurse as mother, putting on public display ‘the bloody bodies’ in a performance that demands an answer, but also

in Working in a world of hurt
Reading the gaps in Mary Robinson’s Memoirs (1801)

allowed Robinson to straddle the contradictory identities of the victimised heroine of sensibility and the titillating actress. The Memoirs was reprinted ten times in the nineteenth century and spurred responses in reviews, essays, novels, illustrated fiction, 142 Romantic women’s life writing poems and biographies. Through analysis of the text itself; comparison with a similar but much less well-known ‘scandal memoir’, The Life of Mrs Gooch (1792); and an examination of Robinson’s nineteenthcentury afterlife, this chapter argues that it may be the so-called failures

in Romantic women’s life writing
The bid for cooperation

.H. Shennan, Philippe, Duke of Orléans, Regent of France, 1715–1723 (London, 1979), pp. 1, 29–31; idem, ‘The Political Role of the Parlement of Paris, 1715–23’, The Historical Journal 8 (no. 2, 1965), 179–200. 12 Leclercq, Régence, I, lxviii–lxix; II, 79; Antoine, Louis XV, p. 33. 13 Flammermont, Remontrances du Parlement de Paris, I, 74; Louis de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon, Mémoires de Saint-Simon, ed. Arthur de Boislisle (41 vols; Paris, 1879–1928), XXIX, 43, 211–212; XXX, 86,167, 178–179; XXXIII, 25; XXXV, 28; E. de Barthélemy, comte, ed., Gazette de la Régence (Paris

in Louis XIV and the parlements
William Richardson and geology

, Professor Hope of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, also visited the Causeway. Richardson corresponded with Hope and sent him geological specimens and a memoir.17 Around 1800 Richardson also sent specimens to a famous Neptunist, Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society. Banks asked if Richardson wanted to present a paper to the publication committee, but he hesitated, claiming that his observations were not repeated frequently enough ‘to lay them before the public through so respectable a channel’.18 These tentative forays into metropolitan science suggest

in Science, politics and society in early nineteenth-century Ireland

the popularity of the king and, indeed, the monarchy more broadly. This image, derived from the Mémoires of the baron de Besenval,7 will be tested against the facts as set out in this chapter and found wanting. The king’s illness In 1774, smallpox was the number one killer in France, decimating the population and leaving one in six survivors marked for life.8 Inoculation against the disease, though reasonably well established elsewhere, was widely regarded with suspicion. By 1758, there were probably no more than two hundred inoculated people in the whole of France

in Death and the crown
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Notes on voice and collaboration

teenagehood and the demands of femininity. The desire to tell this story was certainly enabled by a feminist attention to the personal, the permission to theorise from an autobiographical location. As I was writing the piece, however, I also saw that my questions were in fact not just personal but also cultural and political, as well as academic, and that I would be aided in addressing them by the work I knew how to do best – literary analysis. The piece became an act of autobiographical reading of Eva Hoffman’s memoir Lost in Translation, which enabled me to tell my story

in Writing otherwise

under similar circumstances by the inhabitants of the most civilized countries’. 35 Captain Adam White, Scott’s assistant, had also travelled from Guwahati to attend the Khasi assembly in late 1826, an account of which he recorded in a hagiographical memoir published in 1832 after Scott’s death. 36 At work in the narratives of Scott and White is a general characterisation of the

in Welsh missionaries and British imperialism