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Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited

Islam and the West. My mistake.’9 However, Huntington’s depiction of Islamic ‘civilisation’ has proved, by some margin, to be the most criticised feature of his argument, and he himself uncharacteristically backed away from claims of prescience in this connection, telling Newsweek: ‘The causes of contemporary Muslim wars lie in politics, not seventh-​century religious doctrine’.10 As we shall see, this is one of several cases where Huntington’s elaboration on a position effectively denies perfectly reasonable assumptions made of the original, enabling him to be

in American foreign policy
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16 1 Enemy/​image Not knowing how to share with another gaze our own passion to see, not knowing how to produce a culture of the gaze: this is where the real violence against those who are helplessly abandoned to the voracity of visibilities begins. Marie-​José Mondzain, 2009, p. 20 An indefinite state of emergency On 13 November 2015, nine gunmen carried out a series of coordinated mass-​assassinations in Paris, killing 130 people and wounding a further 368. The attacks were claimed by the organisation known variously as ISIL, ISIS, Da’esh and Islamic State

in Precarious spectatorship

splendid liturgy of the Visigothic Church. This cultural achievement was shattered and dispersed by the Islamic conquest of Spain in the early years of the eighth century. ‘Islamic conquest’ is shorthand. The conquerors were led by Arab Muslims, but their rank-and-file were Berbers from north-west Africa, recently subdued with great difficulty by the Arabs and as yet, little touched by Islamic

in The world of El Cid
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Challenges of belonging

curtains and inside there was an excited atmosphere as the approximately sixty women and children seated themselves on the many carpets that had been spread out on the floor for the event. The mourning ceremony was held in honour of the death of Imam Ali, one of the most important historical figures in Shi‘a Islam. The main part of the ritual consisted of lamentations for the deceased Imam. Umm Hussein,1 a short, round, very charismatic woman, was in charge of the performance. She was known as one of the best Iraqi reciters in Copenhagen and this performance left no

in Iraqi women in Denmark

socially conservative than Ben Bella, seeking to pair the development of a modern, industrialised nation with a greater commitment to ‘rediscovering’ Algeria’s ‘Arab Islamic’ roots.17 Speaking at the 1966 UNFA congress, Boumediene declared that: The Algerian woman has, in effect, imposed herself in our society thanks to her efficient action, her sacrifices and the many martyrs which she has given to the cause of a free, modern and socialist Algeria […] All the same, it is absolutely necessary that this evolution takes place in a natural way and within the framework of

in Our fighting sisters

far outweighs any meaningful civic alternative. Along with Armenia, at least judging from surface appearances, it may be possible to include Turkmenistan in this category. Certainly the official national identity is pronounced, including an ethnicised self-representation replete with various Turkic and Islamic cultural symbols and inventions.15 However, the Niyazov regime is so closed and so highly authoritarian that it is impossible to gauge accurately whether the apparent consensus over national identity is real, and anecdotal reports suggest it may not be. The

in Limiting institutions?
Queering ethnicity and British Muslim masculinities in Sally El Hosaini’s My Brother the Devil (2012)

female homoerotic archive, Sarif’s work creates a form of queer countermemory through intimate personal bonding which qualifies the erasure of female homosexuality in normative Islamic discourses, while partly challenging dominant Western views on Arab and Muslim men’s conservatism and homophobia. The work of film director and screenwriter Sally El Hosaini offers both a departure from and a continuation of Sarif’s efforts to bring queer disorientation to the forefront of intersecting debates on Britishness, gender, and sexuality in

in Queer Muslim diasporas in contemporary literature and film
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

introductory chapter sets out an approach to understanding activism in the English Defence League (EDL) from within social movement studies. It places the EDL alongside populist radical right rather than classic ‘far right’ movements on the political spectrum and outlines a provisional rationale for characterising it as an anti-Islamist movement. Prefacing the theoretical discussion in subsequent chapters of the book, it contextualises claims by the EDL that the organisation is ‘not racist’ but ‘against militant Islam’ within contemporary theories of ‘race’ and racism and in

in Loud and proud
Imperial ideology in English gender politics

women in politics with Islam and relied on imperialist assumptions regarding the corruption and degradation of Muslim societies to illustrate the disastrous consequences that denying women the vote would have on the people of England. 22 In one article a suffragist claimed that the Egyptian woman who resided in the harem was deprived of all liberty and responsibility, and therefore the entire society suffered, especially

in The harem, slavery and British imperial culture

7 State violence and death politics in post-revolutionary Iran 1 Chowra Makaremi 2 From 9 January to 19 July 2012, the Iranian daily Gooya News, one of the Iranian diaspora’s main information sites, published a series of forty-one articles, entitled ‘Interviews with a torture and rape witness’. The tortures and rapes in question were from the period of violent state repression that gripped the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s. The interviews give voice to the anonymous testimony of an official involved in the penitentiary and judicial sphere of that period

in Destruction and human remains