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Arrest and prison
Carrie Hamilton

socks and this and that. And everything for himself.’ She talked about a couple, I don’t even know who they are, ‘Wow! He needs all kinds of things and she never asks for anything!’ . . . I think women’s spirit is very strong. (#17, b. 1958) In 1996 former Burgos defendant and longtime radical nationalist leader Itziar Aizpurua was asked to send a message to other female activists from prison, where she was serving a sentence as a member of the national executive of the radical nationalist political party Herri Batasuna. She said: Keep fighting, keep fighting. We women

in Women and ETA
Cormac Behan

entitlement. However, the court went further and instructed the government and the Electoral Commission to make ‘all reasonable arrangements’ to enable prisoners to vote in the forthcoming election because the right to vote imposes ‘positive obligations on the legislature and the executive’ (August v. Electoral Commission, 1999). Mindful of the recent ending of apartheid and the denial of democratic rights to the majority, Justice O’Regan ruled: ‘To build the resilient democracy envisaged by our constitution we need to establish a culture of participation in the political

in Citizen convicts
Social reform in Manchester
Sonja Tiernan

frail and delicate herself, but full of pluck and determination, and would stand up for people she knew to be unjustly treated, even though the world was against them.40 The birth of a rebel 55 Gore-Booth became aware of the deplorable working conditions that these women endured in the factories of the textile industry in Manchester. She soon became more politically active, joining the executive committee of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) in 1899. Gore-Booth stressed the importance of gaining votes for women in order to improve their

in Eva Gore-Booth
The rights and duties of women citizens
Caitríona Beaumont

2 Housewives and citizens: the rights and duties of women citizens Much of the political history of the twentieth century has been characterised by battles to extend, defend or give substance to political, civil and social rights of citizenship. Women played a central role in these struggles, not just for the vote but also for social citizenship 1 rights, often explicitly using the ideal of citizenship as their lode star. A s the previous chapter suggested, the five voluntary women’s organi­­­sations included in this study represented a wide variety of women

in Housewives and citizens
Jon Lawrence

9 Public and private languages of ‘class’ in the Luton by-election of 1963 Jon Lawrence Labour gained the marginal seat of Luton at a by-election on 7 November 1963 with a majority of 3,749. It was seen at the time as an important sign that Labour could still win in the prosperous, expanding seats of southern England, and that so-called ‘affluent workers’ were not necessarily Conservative in their politics or ‘bourgeois’ in their tastes. In the left-leaning Tribune Donald Soper rejoiced that ‘At long last electors are becoming immunised against the pep pills of

in The art of the possible
The use of British colonial ideals in Trinidad and Bengal
Martin J. Wiener

feeling [against his action]. The belief that the Executive Government is inclined to be despotic is ingrained in them.’ Such prejudice against government’s dangerous tendency to over-reach was a typically British political sentiment that at least momentarily united Indians and many Europeans in India in defence of juries and judges against the executive power. 28 This behaviour

in The cultural construction of the British world
Andrew Edwards

enthusiastic about the final version because the document could be used to illustrate party unity and solidarity: ‘the Welsh Labour Movement has overwhelmingly declared itself in support of a political statement and turned down the pleas put forward by a very small minority … in favour of a Parliament for Wales’.58 He was also keen for the National Executive Committee (NEC) to refer to the document in its report to Labour’s annual conference to emphasise again the unity that had been forged around the creation of a distinctive Welsh policy that was still in keeping with

in The art of the possible
The homophile internationalism of Britain’s Homosexual Law Reform Society
David Minto

not?’ (1960), in Antony Grey, Speaking Out: Writings on Sex, Law, Politics, and Society, 1954–1995 (London: Cassell, 1997), pp. 61–3. 15 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Walter Jacobs, 10 January 1961. 16 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 10 January 1961. 17 HCA, AGP, 1/2(a), Draft Executive Committee minutes for 1 March 1961; memo ‘General Considerations for Discussion: 20th June, 1961’. 18 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 26 March 1962. 19 Roy Perrott, ‘A Club for Homosexuals’, Observer (13 January 1963), p. 28; Antony

in British queer history
Abstract only
Jonathan Moss

activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work and an assertion of their personal autonomy. Their political subjectivity was caught between emphasising their individual agency and rights as independent women and the gender and class constraints on their everyday experiences of paid work and trade unionism. Industrial disputes involving female workers have been conceptualised as evidence of changing attitudes towards women within male-dominated trade unions, and shifting attitudes among working-class women themselves. Existing

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
Charles Townshend

which recognises the necessity of abnormal executive action. British resistance to such a declaration was the cause of dangerous obfuscation. Lloyd George’s insistence on police primacy was quite rational politically, but was vitiated in practice by a persistent failure to define objectives, powers and roles. The Cabinet’s acceptance, in July 1920, of General Tudor’s contention that the RIC might be

in Policing and decolonisation