socks and this and that. And everything for himself.’ She talked about
a couple, I don’t even know who they are, ‘Wow! He needs all kinds of
things and she never asks for anything!’ . . . I think women’s spirit is very
strong. (#17, b. 1958)
In 1996 former Burgos defendant and longtime radical nationalist
leader Itziar Aizpurua was asked to send a message to other female
activists from prison, where she was serving a sentence as a member of
the national executive of the radical nationalist political party Herri
Batasuna. She said:
Keep ﬁghting, keep ﬁghting. We women
Housewives and citizens:
the rights and duties of women citizens
Much of the political history of the twentieth century has been
characterised by battles to extend, defend or give substance to political,
civil and social rights of citizenship. Women played a central role in
these struggles, not just for the vote but also for social citizenship
rights, often explicitly using the ideal of citizenship as their lode star.
s the previous chapter suggested, the five voluntary women’s
organisations included in this study represented a wide variety of
The use of British colonial ideals in Trinidad and Bengal
Martin J. Wiener
[against his action]. The belief that the Executive Government is
inclined to be despotic is ingrained in them.’ Such prejudice
against government’s dangerous tendency to over-reach was a
typically British political sentiment that at least momentarily united
Indians and many Europeans in India in defence of juries and judges
against the executive power. 28
The homophile internationalism of Britain’s Homosexual Law Reform Society
5 July 1961.
12 ONE Magazine (August 1961), 30–1.
13 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Bob Angelo to Grey (as Edgar Wright), 13 January 1961.
14 Antony Grey, ‘Why not?’ (1960), in Antony Grey, Speaking Out: Writings
on Sex, Law, Politics, and Society, 1954–1995 (London: Cassell, 1997),
15 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Walter Jacobs, 10 January 1961.
16 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 10 January 1961.
17 HCA, AGP, 1/2(a), Draft Executive Committee minutes for 1 March
1961; memo ‘General Considerations for Discussion: 20th June, 1961’.
18 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey
the final version because the document could be used to illustrate party unity and
solidarity: ‘the Welsh Labour Movement has overwhelmingly declared itself in support of a political statement and turned down the pleas put forward by a very small
minority … in favour of a Parliament for Wales’.58 He was also keen for the National
Executive Committee (NEC) to refer to the document in its report to Labour’s
annual conference to emphasise again the unity that had been forged around the
creation of a distinctive Welsh policy that was still in keeping with
Public and private languages of ‘class’ in the
Luton by-election of 1963
Labour gained the marginal seat of Luton at a by-election on 7 November 1963
with a majority of 3,749. It was seen at the time as an important sign that Labour
could still win in the prosperous, expanding seats of southern England, and that
so-called ‘affluent workers’ were not necessarily Conservative in their politics or
‘bourgeois’ in their tastes. In the left-leaning Tribune Donald Soper rejoiced that
‘At long last electors are becoming immunised against the pep pills of
activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective
value of their work and an assertion of their personal autonomy. Their
political subjectivity was caught between emphasising their individual
agency and rights as independent women and the gender and class constraints on their everyday experiences of paid work and trade unionism.
Industrial disputes involving female workers have been conceptualised as evidence of changing attitudes towards women within male-dominated trade unions, and shifting attitudes among working-class women
which recognises the necessity of abnormal executive action.
British resistance to such a declaration was the cause of dangerous
obfuscation. Lloyd George’s insistence on police primacy was quite
rational politically, but was vitiated in practice by a persistent
failure to define objectives, powers and roles. The Cabinet’s
acceptance, in July 1920, of General Tudor’s contention that the
RIC might be
France’s inter-war empire: a framework for analysis
from critics of imperial practice across the French political spectrum,
and from hostile nation states opposed to a French colonial presence in
Africa and Asia.
The majority of the French nation were as indifferent to
the manifest cruelties of colonial exploitation as to the professed
benefits of an empire. Reflecting on his experiences in Madagascar and
Indochina before the outbreak of the First World
and Switzerland and the UK itself. The differences with the EEC
were stark: no political ambitions, only free trade among the members;
no common customs barrier vis-à-vis third countries; a limited staff with
no executive missions or competencies; and the exclusion of agriculture.3
However, hardly was the ink dry on the 1960 Stockholm Convention
creating the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), when the United
Kingdom began to reconsider. A number of uncomfortable truths were
becoming evident. The United Kingdom was no longer a world power,