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Arrest and prison

socks and this and that. And everything for himself.’ She talked about a couple, I don’t even know who they are, ‘Wow! He needs all kinds of things and she never asks for anything!’ . . . I think women’s spirit is very strong. (#17, b. 1958) In 1996 former Burgos defendant and longtime radical nationalist leader Itziar Aizpurua was asked to send a message to other female activists from prison, where she was serving a sentence as a member of the national executive of the radical nationalist political party Herri Batasuna. She said: Keep fighting, keep fighting. We women

in Women and ETA
The rights and duties of women citizens

2 Housewives and citizens: the rights and duties of women citizens Much of the political history of the twentieth century has been characterised by battles to extend, defend or give substance to political, civil and social rights of citizenship. Women played a central role in these struggles, not just for the vote but also for social citizenship 1 rights, often explicitly using the ideal of citizenship as their lode star. A s the previous chapter suggested, the five voluntary women’s organi­­­sations included in this study represented a wide variety of women

in Housewives and citizens
The use of British colonial ideals in Trinidad and Bengal

feeling [against his action]. The belief that the Executive Government is inclined to be despotic is ingrained in them.’ Such prejudice against government’s dangerous tendency to over-reach was a typically British political sentiment that at least momentarily united Indians and many Europeans in India in defence of juries and judges against the executive power. 28 This behaviour

in The cultural construction of the British world
The homophile internationalism of Britain’s Homosexual Law Reform Society

5 July 1961. 12 ONE Magazine (August 1961), 30–1. 13 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Bob Angelo to Grey (as Edgar Wright), 13 January 1961. 14 Antony Grey, ‘Why not?’ (1960), in Antony Grey, Speaking Out: Writings on Sex, Law, Politics, and Society, 1954–1995 (London: Cassell, 1997), pp. 61–3. 15 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Walter Jacobs, 10 January 1961. 16 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 10 January 1961. 17 HCA, AGP, 1/2(a), Draft Executive Committee minutes for 1 March 1961; memo ‘General Considerations for Discussion: 20th June, 1961’. 18 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey

in British queer history

enthusiastic about the final version because the document could be used to illustrate party unity and solidarity: ‘the Welsh Labour Movement has overwhelmingly declared itself in support of a political statement and turned down the pleas put forward by a very small minority … in favour of a Parliament for Wales’.58 He was also keen for the National Executive Committee (NEC) to refer to the document in its report to Labour’s annual conference to emphasise again the unity that had been forged around the creation of a distinctive Welsh policy that was still in keeping with

in The art of the possible

9 Public and private languages of ‘class’ in the Luton by-election of 1963 Jon Lawrence Labour gained the marginal seat of Luton at a by-election on 7 November 1963 with a majority of 3,749. It was seen at the time as an important sign that Labour could still win in the prosperous, expanding seats of southern England, and that so-called ‘affluent workers’ were not necessarily Conservative in their politics or ‘bourgeois’ in their tastes. In the left-leaning Tribune Donald Soper rejoiced that ‘At long last electors are becoming immunised against the pep pills of

in The art of the possible
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activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work and an assertion of their personal autonomy. Their political subjectivity was caught between emphasising their individual agency and rights as independent women and the gender and class constraints on their everyday experiences of paid work and trade unionism. Industrial disputes involving female workers have been conceptualised as evidence of changing attitudes towards women within male-dominated trade unions, and shifting attitudes among working-class women themselves. Existing

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85

which recognises the necessity of abnormal executive action. British resistance to such a declaration was the cause of dangerous obfuscation. Lloyd George’s insistence on police primacy was quite rational politically, but was vitiated in practice by a persistent failure to define objectives, powers and roles. The Cabinet’s acceptance, in July 1920, of General Tudor’s contention that the RIC might be

in Policing and decolonisation
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France’s inter-war empire: a framework for analysis

, from critics of imperial practice across the French political spectrum, and from hostile nation states opposed to a French colonial presence in Africa and Asia. The majority of the French nation were as indifferent to the manifest cruelties of colonial exploitation as to the professed benefits of an empire. Reflecting on his experiences in Madagascar and Indochina before the outbreak of the First World

in The French empire between the wars
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The new Europe takes shape

and Switzerland and the UK itself. The differences with the EEC were stark: no political ambitions, only free trade among the members; no common customs barrier vis-à-vis third countries; a limited staff with no executive missions or competencies; and the exclusion of agriculture.3 However, hardly was the ink dry on the 1960 Stockholm Convention creating the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), when the United Kingdom began to reconsider. A number of uncomfortable truths were becoming evident. The United Kingdom was no longer a world power, neither politically

in Destination Europe