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Neo-colonialism encounters regionalism?

claims within an envisaged economic relationship with developing countries in former parts of the British Empire. In this fashion, the Brexiteer campaigners legitimised not only their intentions to enhance economic ties between Britain and Commonwealth nations, but more broadly they also legitimised the Brexit project itself as a progressive contribution to global politics. By delinking Britain from the EU, UK voters apparently would be chastising an uncaring European Commission for its failed ‘development’ interventions, while at the same time offering hope to poorer

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
A historical survey

Germany, historically, seems to have or have had a ‘problem’ with power because its recent history has clearly been shaped by German political power being abused. This was undoubtedly true of the Nazi regime, but there is a body of opinion that sees a tradition of German power being mishandled reaching further back, to the 1871 Empire or even beyond, with the foundations of what is seen as ‘Prussian militarism’ having perhaps been laid early on in the development of the Prussian state (see Leonie Holthaus’ and Annette Weinke’s chapters on early

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks

This chapter examines the key drivers behind the UK Government’s Africa policy from 1997 to 2018 (under Labour from 1997–2010; under the Liberal Democrat Coalition and the majority Conservative Government of 2010–17 and under a minority Conservative Government from 2017). The chapter also assesses developments after the EU referendum (Brexit) and evaluates how the UK’s strategy towards Africa might evolve. 1 Overall, political interest remains firmly based upon humanitarianism but African security and trade have also become secondary

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 10/12/2013, SPi 3 Legal framework, institutions and approaches to power The foundational moment If discourses and policy plans were to be implemented, they ought to be couched within a legal framework and to be implemented by specialized institutions. While surveillance and political control usually take place in the grey area between legality and illegality, the Israeli discourse of control, discussed in the previous chapters, could not be reconciled with a reasonable interpretation of a liberal legal framework. Emergency laws

in Thorough surveillance

escalating arms races has long been seen as an enabler of conflict and political instability. Although only a very small fraction of the estimated $45 billion in annual worldwide arms transfers,14 the illegal arms trade plays a significant role in sustaining regional and domestic conflict, fueling human rights violations, and endangering humanitarian relief and development efforts. The trade can not only buttress the position of embattled authoritarian regimes by supplying the tools of domestic repression, but it can also strengthen the power of non-state actors by

in African security in the twenty-first century
Abstract only

pragmatic approach of Marx and Lenin, and the policies of communist leaders in East Germany, Vietnam and elsewhere. Ideologies bring together a system of ideas with a political action plan, so that not only principles, but also their translation into policy and propaganda are key to understanding; ‘Indeed, when communism has defeated rival doctrines, it has owed its victory to the adoption of at least some of the principles of

in Soldered states
Andrew Williams

the spoils. One of Hankey’s natural political adversaries, G. Lowes Dickinson, a prominent liberal and one of Carr’s ‘idealist’ targets, nonetheless agreed with many of Hankey’s doubts about the possibilities for a ‘good’ peace. He MUP/Williams/ch6 178 23/10/98, 11:49 am 179 Global security and the NWO wrote to Bryce in October 1914: ‘My own view is that what is not done at the peace will hardly have a chance after it, in a fresh era of competition, fear and revenge.’ But he also felt, as he expressed it in 1917, that ‘war proceeds from wrong ideas and wrong

in Failed imagination?
Andrew Williams

, even a form of short hand, that sums up the dilemmas of both nations (and nation states) in a global political system and political economy that have themselves been in constant evolution. It is a concept that has had to be re-thought several times this century, most acutely during and just after the First and Second World Wars, during the period of decolonisation, and in the turmoil that has followed 1991 and the collapse of a number of multi-ethnic states in Europe, Africa and Asia. It has always been seen as a problematic concept, even on occasion for those who

in Failed imagination?
Abstract only

) explained: If now, in late 1948, all those remaining in the country, Jews and Arabs alike, were universally granted citizenship, it would be possible to observe international norms [of territory based citizenship] while turning the distinction between Arabs who had stayed and who had left into a permanent, legal divide. (892) In an administrative move that was indicative of future state strategies, the census/registration also aimed to create the political basis for a hierarchical system of citizenship in Israel, according to which pre-1948 Jewish settlers were placed at

in Thorough surveillance
The Conservative Party and Africa from opposition to government

political themes, including traditional Conservative leitmotifs of tax and immigration, dominated Hague’s public statements (Kelly, 2001 ). In this context, it is perhaps unsurprising that there was little emphasis on Africa. There was little pressure for Hague and his team to formulate substantive policy positions on issues relating to Africa, particularly because, as Porteous ( 2005 : 289–90) notes, Blair’s focus on Africa was markedly less during his first term in office than in his second. Where Africa did appear in speeches and statements by Hague, this was largely

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century