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Article 27 and other global standards on minority rights
Patrick Thornberry

ICCPR II: Art. 27 and minority rights standards 6 The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights II: Article 27 and other global standards on minority rights The most regular examinations of indigenous issues by the HRC in the reporting procedure and under the Optional Protocol have taken place in connection with Article 27: In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
Abstract only
Karin Fischer

1 Introduction Religion, identity and citizenship in schools: the Irish case The aim of this book is to examine a striking characteristic of the Irish State: the control of its education system by religious and private bodies, which entails an analysis of the place of religion in schools and its contemporary social, political and ideological implications in the Republic of Ireland. The chosen perspective is essentially political and ideological, with a study of education policies as they reflect government choices and of the standpoints and views of those

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Food Not Bombs, Homes Not Jails, and resistance to gentrification
Author: Sean Parson

On Labor Day in 1988 two hundred hungry and homeless people went to Golden Gate Park in search of a hot meal, while fifty-four activists from Food Not Bombs, surrounded by riot police, lined up to serve them food. The riot police counted twenty-five served meals, the legal number allowed by city law before breaking permit restrictions, and then began to arrest people. The arrests proceeded like an assembly line: an activist would scoop a bowl of food and hand it to a hungry person. A police officer would then handcuff and arrest that activist. Immediately, the next activist in line would take up the ladle and be promptly arrested. By the end of the day fifty-four people had been arrested for “providing food without a permit.” These arrests were not an aberration but part of a multi-year campaign by the city of San Francisco against radical homeless activists. Why would a liberal city arrest activists helping the homeless? In exploring this question, the book uses the conflict between the city and activists as a unique opportunity to examine the contested nature of urban politics, homelessness, and public space, while developing an anarchist alternative to liberal urban politics, which is rooted in mutual aid, solidarity, and anti-capitalism.

Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

way or another, and more offshore, and on the site. Shell come into a place like Belmullet and they say ‘What’s wanted here? Well, there you are!’ (Ethnographic fieldnotes by authors, June 2009) This discursive frame composed of elements drawn from the realm of reality and the register of fantasy – a frame that is similar to the magic-realist literary genre developed by García-Márquez (1998) to depict the exotic and grotesque baroque political culture of post-colonial Latin America in the shadow of American puppet dictatorships – enables people to construct

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Karin Fischer

cultural and political homogeneity that prevailed during 12 12 S chools and the politics of religion and diversity the first decades after Independence, despite the fact that Ireland has never been homogeneous, culturally or politically.2 This fabricated homogeneity, an integral part of the new state’s project of cultural and political cohesion, was thus cultivated through education to the point that it acquired the status of something indisputable, with any assertion of existing differences henceforth taking on a subversive character. These differences, whether

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
What role for schools?
Karin Fischer

Catholic vision of education, Denis O’Sullivan remarks that most studies on the evolution of the school system implicitly rely on the theoretical model of ‘modernisation’, most authors analysing changes from that perspective.2 According to him, this approach was adopted all the more easily in Ireland as it fitted neatly with an absence of debate on educational principles, itself encouraged by the ‘anti-ideology’ orientation of Irish political culture. He notes that it was also in keeping with the main orientations of the European Commission, which boldly proclaimed ‘the

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Abstract only
Omen of a post-republic: the demon child of neoliberalism
Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

the raptor flies free, so much so that the principle of neoliberal political-economic and moral theology becomes ‘greed is good’. But this apparent vitality, seen from a different aspect, is like a cancer, proliferating, thriving, metastasizing; an aggressive and deathly form of growth, giving rise to extensive and intensive social pathologies, threatening civilization with sociocide and ecocide. And it is not just a process of de-symbolization that is taking place (de-symbolization occurs at other times of crisis and transition in the history of civilization – the

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

half caste) were being 144 POLITICAL ECONOMY given a chance to reform and regain their cargo through Jesus Christ/John Frum. For many years the natives suffered, waited, worked and prayed, but after a while it seemed to some that the missionaries were lying; the natives had been good Christians and worked hard, but it was the foreign bosses who did no work that got all the cargo. To account for this they formed a new theory. Jesus Christ had been kidnapped by a combination of the European missionaries and a conspiracy of Jews. Their cargo and their saviour

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Karin Fischer

the 1998 Education Act and as a result of exemptions to the principles of equality and non-discrimination 148 148 S chools and the politics of religion and diversity in equality legislation as we will see. The School Admissions Bill introduced in April 2015, whose stated aim is to reduce schools’ ability to discriminate in their admissions policy, has not put this into question.1 The second issue behind this discourse is that of the actual level of inclusiveness (to be understood as absence of discrimination) and respect for children’s rights within the schools

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Karin Fischer

reluctant to tackle the issue head on. Such protection should arguably be the very 180 180 S chools and the politics of religion and diversity first duty of a democratic state in state-funded schools, and researchers have already highlighted the existence of various forms of subordination and discrimination inherent to the denominational nature of the Irish education system, most notably Alison Mawhinney in her analysis of freedom of religion in schools.1 Some implications of the content of religious education and of curriculum integration in primary schools in this

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland