through the sitex and opened the doors within minutes. With the noise and the sparks from the motor flexes cutting through the metal, the door breaking was highly performative and, “so cool,” extolled Stijn, a nineteen-year-old squatter who was learning how to be a breaker. Three different living groups resided in the Motorflex houses. Self-identified punks who were referred to by their neighbors simply as “the punks” – both crusty and baby – resided in the two center houses. They shared a living room and

in The autonomous life?
The Clash, left melancholia and the politics of redemption

the band were quick to point out the disparity between the ‘everyman’ persona constructed by Joe Strummer and his real background as the public schoolboy John Mellor.9 In their memoir of the punk era, Julie Burchill and Tony Parsons, for instance, suggest that the distinctive, drawling, adenoidal speaking voice of The Clash front man was one that had required ‘de-elocution’ lessons.10 This vein of inverted snobbery was exemplified in reviews of the 1980 hit single ‘Bankrobber’. Journalists were wont to point out that the opening line of the track – ‘My daddy was a

in Working for the clampdown

visually as banal as their songs were prosaic. In 1975, Queen’s promo for Bohemian Rhapsody was an important element in the massive success of the single. Interestingly, the success of the video arguably set the group on a course away from being a progressive rock band to being a far more commerciallyoriented pop band in the next decade. Progressive rock self-indulgence was shunted aside by the crudity, directness and lack of pretension in the wave of punk rock that overtook Britain in the late 1970s and found some outlet on television. After the break-up of the Sex

in Experimental British television
Riot grrrl and body politics from the early 1990s

subcultural -298- Global communications punk/post-punk genealogies. Kate Eichhorn’s reappraisal has been crucial in moving beyond the idea that riot grrrl was simply an oppositional or reactionary statement to parental cultures of second-wave feminism and the male-dominated punk scene.11 Such a model, she argues, obscures its wider intellectual and aesthetic heritage as a ‘queer feminist hybrid of punk, continental philosophy, feminism, and avant-garde literary and art traditions’.12 Michelle Kempson has similarly demonstrated zine creators’ uneasiness with locating

in Ripped, torn and cut
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platform than the partnership between punk and reggae fostered in the 1970s3 – an observation borne out by the emergence of large numbers of performers whose music incorporates influences from around the world. Bhangra, for instance, a form of music and dance with its origins in rural Punjab, but which has been preserved among Britain’s Indian communities, has mutated and found its way into the repertoires of contemporary British and American artists and producers. Southall-born producer Rishi Rich has been at the forefront of this development, and his collaborators have

in Crisis music
Englishness, pop and The Smiths

London and its ‘English-garden-psychedelia’. In his songs, Davies reflected on the wider issues of Englishness, creating tools for future songwriters to express their ideas about England. Among the objectives of punk rock was to avoid the celebration of Englishness in a major way. Punk reacted aggressively against the privileged positions and institutions of ‘old England’ as the 1960s counter-culture had done before it, and rejected the nostalgia often prevalent in pop-Englishness. However, it also celebrated a problematic notion of Englishness in the form of frivolous

in Why pamper life's complexities?

growing love for popular music.42 This experience allowed RAR to propose ways of engaging with young people that drew on these connections. It is important to grasp at this point the link between artistic vitality and social conflict that animated RAR’s founders and which informed their view of the modernist tradition to which they felt an allegiance. It is not the case that RAR’s identity was simply derived from particular youth subcultures – most obviously punk rock and reggae – it also drew on influences from other sources. In a 2007 radio interview, when discussing

in Crisis music
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1990s style and the perennial return of Goth

Gothic and Goth: new interventions At the end of the 1970s, a new youth subculture emerged from the fragmenting Punk scene, commonly known as Goth. Goth seemed to take the trappings of Gothic literature and film and convert them into a symbolic form of resistance to a suburban Britain (and subsequently America, Australia and elsewhere) perceived as

in Fashioning Gothic bodies
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Rethinking youth politics and culture in late socialist Yugoslavia

late 1980s:  for most, Yugoslav socialism was still capable of reforming itself and accommodating these demands. The second chapter reflected on the debates concerning the future of the inherited socialist framework of values and commemorative practices and the ways Tito’s legacy was going to be carried forward following his death. Although frequently reproached for an alleged appropriation of far right ideologies, the different cultural acts (punk music, the controversial Youth Day poster) essentially challenged the norms 199  20 200 The last Yugoslav generation

in The last Yugoslav generation
Open Access (free)
The economy of unromantic solidarity

-war, apocalyptic nightmare. Dilapidated buildings and trash dominated the scenery and starkly contrasted the neat streets, shiny renovated architecture, and cute cafes that abound in Amsterdam of the 2000s. The filmmakers interviewed Morris at age eighteen, wearing a punk leather jacket, handsome, earnest, and articulately explaining his political motivations to squat with enthusiasm and sincerity. The next time I viewed the same documentary was in 2007, with a group of squatter friends. When Morris appeared on the screen, the

in The autonomous life?