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Radical religion, secularism and the hymn
Kate Bowan and Paul A. Pickering

its first service in the Labour Temple on 8 July 1918. Like its forerunners across the seas, it allowed for a broad range of religious beliefs and appropriated and adapted existing ‘religious forms and ceremonies’. 192 Like the British Labour Church it also experienced tension between secular and religious elements within the broader congregation. This fissure only became acute once the unifying force of

in Sounds of liberty
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Freethinking feminists and the renunciation of religion
Laura Schwartz

especially important for female Secularists, whose experiences of feminist politicisation were closely bound up with the new anti-religious mindsets born out of their counter-conversions. For women, the counter-conversion process often appeared as a journey of self-realisation in which freedom from the intellectual bondage of superstition became a template for a more general emancipation from sexual oppression. Appropriating the

in Infidel feminism
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Alison I. Beach, Shannon M.T. Li and Samuel S. Sutherland

Introduction Book Four opens with the election in 1116 of a successor for Abbot Theodoric. Here the chronicler offers a view of the perils of such moments of transition in the life of a religious community. The process of selecting a new superior could expose and exacerbate existing internal divisions and tensions, and could sometimes lead to bitter discontent and schism. Abbatial elections could also invite attempts, in this case by Bishop-elect Ulrich I, to pressure, influence, and increase control. The chronicler’s account of the process, and particularly

in Monastic life in twelfth-century Germany
The body as witness
Laurence Lux-Sterritt

. 89. 36 ADN, Ms 20H-40, Writings on Love, item 4. 37 More, in Augustine Baker (ed.), The Spiritual Exercises of the Most Vertuous and Religious D. Gertrude More of the holy Order of S. Bennet and the English Congregation of our ladies of Comfort in Cambray, she called them Amor ordinem nescit, And Ideots Devotions, Paris, 1658, pp. 139 and 150, respectively. 38 CRS Misc. XI, Ghent, pp. 33 and 35, respectively. 39 Ibid., p. 24. 40 CRS Misc. V, Neville, pp. 52–3. 41 CRS Misc. XI, Ghent, p. 18. 42 See for instance Robert Muchembled, Culture populaire et

in English Benedictine nuns in exile in the seventeenth century
Locality, brotherhood and the nature of tolerance
Tony Kushner

for the early representation and subsequent prominent role of Jews in the town’s governance. 11 In 1951, Rabbi Eugene Newman of the Portsmouth congregation extended, along the Hampshire coast, the geographical scope of his community’s civic and religious virtues during the nineteenth century. He focused on the ‘other’ Emanuel family ‘which produced Mayors and Wardens of Southampton and Portsmouth’: Michael Emanuel (1767–1838) was a leading figure in the Portsmouth Community for over three decades. He had several

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
John Spurr

pensant assumptions ran deep. For many it was axiomatic that religious toleration was a self-evident good even in the seventeenth century, that nonconformists and anti-clericals were the progressive victims whose day would come, and that intellectual and political progress was linked to religious liberty; it followed that opponents of these principles could only be self-interested, bigoted, and reactionary. Yet, on reflection it seemed

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
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Rhodri Hayward

); Jenkins, Agricultural Community, p. 239. For the Loughor incident: Welsh Gazette (19 January 1905); British Weekly (19 January 1905), 403. For examples of confrontations between ministers and their congregations cf. ‘Awstin’, Religious Revival in Wales, no. 1, pp. 5, 28– 9, 30; no. 2, pp. 12, 14; no. 3, p. 26; no. 4, p. 24; no. 6, pp. 14, 18, 24; Jones, Rent Heavens, p. 56; Morgan, Revival, pp. 42, 184, 186; NLW, Calvinist Methodist Archives General Collection 28, 678: Capel Rehoboth, Taliesin, ‘Atgofion am y Diwygiad’, 11; [Thesbiad], ‘Diwygiad a’r Weinidogaeth’, Y

in Resisting history
David J. Appleby

printed farewell sermons, and their sustained production over the succeeding years, revealed nonconformity as a force to be reckoned with. Many Bartholomeans were hopeful that reading could compensate for the loss of their public ministry: ‘the less opportunity the ear hath’, declared Edward Hancock, ‘the more opportunity the eye should have’.2 Departing clergy included reading lists in their farewell sermons. Richard Fairclough assured his congregation that they might find godly books in almost every house, ‘and will (I hope) more now than ever’.3 Such statements

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
Open Access (free)
The clergy and emigration in practice
Sarah Roddy

periodical fiction. It was usually a reference to those Famine emigrants who did not survive the harsh Atlantic passage, or a creative expression of the knowledge that most emigrants who did make it would never return to be buried in Irish soil beside their loved ones.10 A related, subtly different religious claim was also occasionally made, however. In its mildest form, this was the sense that it was better for would-be emigrants ‘to lay their bones quietly at rest in the graves of their forefathers in the “Island of Saints” than risk the moral perils which await them in

in Population, providence and empire
Alan Ford

to the Netherlands where he was to play such an important role in the exiled English congregation.9 Colonisation provided further opportunities for dissenters. In 1598, a commentator on the Munster plantation complained at the lack of control over the religious outlook of the Munster settlers, which had resulted in ‘Papists, Puritans, Brownists, atheists’ settling in the province.10 A further attempt to found a separatist community in Ireland came in the early 1620s, when a London dissenting minister, with his congregation, settled in Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland