36 ADN, Ms 20H-40, Writings on Love, item 4.
37 More, in Augustine Baker (ed.), The Spiritual Exercises of the Most
Vertuous and Religious D. Gertrude More of the holy Order of S. Bennet
and the English Congregation of our ladies of Comfort in Cambray, she
called them Amor ordinem nescit, And Ideots Devotions, Paris, 1658,
pp. 139 and 150, respectively.
38 CRS Misc. XI, Ghent, pp. 33 and 35, respectively.
39 Ibid., p. 24.
40 CRS Misc. V, Neville, pp. 52–3.
41 CRS Misc. XI, Ghent, p. 18.
42 See for instance Robert Muchembled, Culture populaire et
for the early representation and subsequent prominent role of Jews in the town’s governance. 11
In 1951, Rabbi Eugene Newman of the Portsmouth congregation extended, along the Hampshire coast, the geographical scope of his community’s civic and religious virtues during the nineteenth century. He focused on the ‘other’ Emanuel family ‘which produced Mayors and Wardens of Southampton and Portsmouth’:
Michael Emanuel (1767–1838) was a leading figure in the Portsmouth Community for over three decades. He had several
pensant assumptions ran deep. For many it was axiomatic that religious
toleration was a self-evident good even in the seventeenth century, that
nonconformists and anti-clericals were the progressive victims whose day
would come, and that intellectual and political progress was linked to
religious liberty; it followed that opponents of these principles could only
be self-interested, bigoted, and reactionary. Yet, on reflection it seemed
); Jenkins, Agricultural Community, p. 239. For the
Loughor incident: Welsh Gazette (19 January 1905); British Weekly (19
January 1905), 403. For examples of confrontations between ministers and
their congregations cf. ‘Awstin’, Religious Revival in Wales, no. 1, pp. 5, 28–
9, 30; no. 2, pp. 12, 14; no. 3, p. 26; no. 4, p. 24; no. 6, pp. 14, 18, 24; Jones,
Rent Heavens, p. 56; Morgan, Revival, pp. 42, 184, 186; NLW, Calvinist
Methodist Archives General Collection 28, 678: Capel Rehoboth, Taliesin,
‘Atgofion am y Diwygiad’, 11; [Thesbiad], ‘Diwygiad a’r Weinidogaeth’, Y
printed farewell sermons,
and their sustained production over the succeeding years, revealed nonconformity as a force to be reckoned with.
Many Bartholomeans were hopeful that reading could compensate for the
loss of their public ministry: ‘the less opportunity the ear hath’, declared
Edward Hancock, ‘the more opportunity the eye should have’.2 Departing
clergy included reading lists in their farewell sermons. Richard Fairclough
assured his congregation that they might ﬁnd godly books in almost every
house, ‘and will (I hope) more now than ever’.3 Such statements
periodical fiction. It was usually a reference to those
Famine emigrants who did not survive the harsh Atlantic passage, or
a creative expression of the knowledge that most emigrants who did
make it would never return to be buried in Irish soil beside their loved
ones.10 A related, subtly different religious claim was also occasionally made, however. In its mildest form, this was the sense that it was
better for would-be emigrants ‘to lay their bones quietly at rest in the
graves of their forefathers in the “Island of Saints” than risk the moral
perils which await them in
to the Netherlands where he was to play such an
important role in the exiled English congregation.9 Colonisation provided
further opportunities for dissenters. In 1598, a commentator on the Munster
plantation complained at the lack of control over the religious outlook of the
Munster settlers, which had resulted in ‘Papists, Puritans, Brownists, atheists’
settling in the province.10 A further attempt to found a separatist community
in Ireland came in the early 1620s, when a London dissenting minister, with his
congregation, settled in Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim
, either in the
Netherlands or abroad.
Alongside this educational strategy, the apostolic vicar of the Missio
Hollandica Philippus Rovenius (1572–1651) commenced a search in the 1620s
for an institute of priests that, contrary to the existing religiouscongregations,
in particular the Jesuits, would be unconditionally loyal to the local bishop and
able to radically reform the secular clergy in the north in the sense of a new
spirituality, focused on the Incarnation and on the local saints as role models
for the regeneration of the Dutch Catholic community.74 In his
Clergy, orality and print in the Scottish Gaelic world
; but it is legitimate to wonder whether it may have been at
least a first draft of an ambitious project to capture some of the finest verse
products of the medieval Gaelic world, from western Scotland to western
Ireland. Some of the oldest poems in the book can be dated to the thirteenth
The pulpit and the pen
and early fourteenth centuries, while the latest were composed close to the
time of compilation of the book itself. The range of verse – formal bardic
verse to patrons of the poets, ballads about the heroes of the Fianna, religious
poetry of very high
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion
Jansénisme à la laïcité et les origines de la
déchristianisation (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de L’Homme,
Conventicles: independent Huguenot congregations.
Doyle, Jansenism, pp. 30, 39.
Van Kley, The Religious Origins of the French Revolution, p. 248.
McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France, vol. 2,
pp. 364, 377.
Doyle, Jansenism, pp. 50–1.
McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France, vol. 2, p. 428.
On the Parlement of Paris and Jansenism see also J. Swann, Politics and the
Parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754