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Constituting authority

6 Nexus, framework: constituting authority To see how a justifiable political framework must be constituted by citizenship, we start with Gewirth’s premise that basic levels of social and political organisation are a fundamental and compelling moral imperative. In this he draws on the Kantian view that the state of nature is not an acceptable option for human beings, since its ever-present apprehension of violence displaces all possibility of leading a tolerable life.1 Without already supposing all the specific apparatus of law, the state, and so on we can see

in Supranational Citizenship

failed in its positive goal of bringing a vocationalist Irish social infrastructure into being. Moreover the Irish Catholic Church was divided during the early decades of Irish independent statehood by critiques of banking and finance capital formulated within this movement and ecclesiastical disciplinary mechanisms were invoked to hierarchically silence some of its radical voices. During the Second World War/​Emergency changes in the wider world and developments within Irish politics provided Ireland’s Catholic social movement with an alternative focus around which it

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
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be realised and, by the 1980s, the Israeli Labour movement was itself in decline. Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and neo-liberal economic reforms of the state-led sector have fragmented its social base and have encouraged the rise of a messianic nationalism and a drift to the right.4 Against this backdrop the British left’s earlier sympathy for the Zionist project yielded to an increasingly critical attitude to Israel and a commitment to Palestinian statehood. The following chapters recount how socialists of various hues viewing developments

in The British left and Zionism

that globalisation is devoid of any link to territory and those who favour theses of ‘glocalisation’. Keating and McGarry (2001) argue that globalisation encourages the expression of new regional identities, as regions offer the most appropriate scale for a collective social consciousness to express itself. The increased importance of territory is not just a debate about distinctiveness, but also one about new forms of interdependence and co-operation within territories. The type of regional capacity on offer links closely to the third theme: the rise of regional

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
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Violence and the state - past, present and future

different historical ‘societies’ of states, this thinking now extends beyond Europe to Asia as well. 7 On the inter-state level of analysis there is a growing sensitivity to war making as a complex interaction between social, cultural, economic and technological forces operating in conjunction with the state. 8 And there is a growing sense of the degree to which successful fiscal-military states evolved

in Violence and the state
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Cultures of governance and conflict resolution in the EU and India

are locked into a version of statehood and regional relations perhaps more appropriate to the post-war world. This volume examines these dynamics in the context of broader philosophical and political questions about conflict, peace, security, nationalism, identity, development, and not least justice.2 It is based on detailed case studies and rigorous analysis and examines these issues in the context of the practices of conflict resolution in India and Europe, representing very different institutional frameworks, but throwing up surprisingly similar lessons about the

in Cultures of governance and peace
Autonomy, ethnicity and gender in North-East India and Bosnia-Herzegovina

governmental logic of treating war and peace as a continuum’21 – a series, if you will. Another consequence of the British administrative measure is evident from, and flows out of, the above discussion. Territorial demarcation/ reorganisation became a dominant template of social governance in post-independence India and more so in post-liberalisation India.22 Territorial reorganisation, grant of statehood and the introduction of Government of peace and resistive subjectivities 53 the model of peace accords went hand in hand with military operations. Each major

in Cultures of governance and peace
Making environmental security ‘critical’ in the Asia-Pacific

E NVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION and resource decline, and the important matter of how to overcome them, have become crucial challenges for the Asia-Pacific. While the policy debate is usually driven by economic and social concerns, there is a growing acceptance that these challenges also figure in the regional security agenda and, indeed, that they complicate that

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific

identities within a larger political union’.2 As Kempton notes, federalism ‘allows many minority groups to sustain themselves by making them the majority within a specific component of the larger state’.3 Most importantly of all, by providing a democratic alternative to nation-statehood, federalism provides a viable alternative to regional secession and the potential disintegration of multinational states. In this regard it has been successful in quelling ethnic and religious tensions in Canada, Belgium, India, Malaysia, Nigeria, Spain and South Africa.4 For those who

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Fragmented structures in a complex system

some kind of a structured multi-levelled – ‘two-chamber’ system whose members shall – on the basis of equal rights and obligations – co-operate through the adoption of binding law. The Social-Democrat/Green government does not depart from this conception of European integration. On the contrary, compared with the Kohl era, the coalition additionally focuses on social and employment policy, and the formalisation of citizen rights within the corpus of the EU Treaty.13 Until 1991–92 public opinion in Germany appeared to conform to the so-called ‘permissive consensus’.14

in Fifteen into one?