activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective
value of their work and an assertion of their personal autonomy. Their
political subjectivity was caught between emphasising their individual
agency and rights as independent women and the gender and class constraints on their everyday experiences of paid work and trade unionism.
Industrial disputes involving female workers have been conceptualised as evidence of changing attitudes towards women within male-dominated trade unions, and shifting attitudes among working-class women
The use of British colonial ideals in Trinidad and Bengal
Martin J. Wiener
[against his action]. The belief that the Executive Government is
inclined to be despotic is ingrained in them.’ Such prejudice
against government’s dangerous tendency to over-reach was a
typically British political sentiment that at least momentarily united
Indians and many Europeans in India in defence of juries and judges
against the executive power. 28
the final version because the document could be used to illustrate party unity and
solidarity: ‘the Welsh Labour Movement has overwhelmingly declared itself in support of a political statement and turned down the pleas put forward by a very small
minority … in favour of a Parliament for Wales’.58 He was also keen for the National
Executive Committee (NEC) to refer to the document in its report to Labour’s
annual conference to emphasise again the unity that had been forged around the
creation of a distinctive Welsh policy that was still in keeping with
The homophile internationalism of Britain’s Homosexual Law Reform Society
not?’ (1960), in Antony Grey, Speaking Out: Writings on Sex, Law, Politics, and Society, 1954–1995 (London: Cassell, 1997), pp. 61–3.
15 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Walter Jacobs, 10 January 1961.
16 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 10 January 1961.
17 HCA, AGP, 1/2(a), Draft Executive Committee minutes for 1 March 1961; memo ‘General Considerations for Discussion: 20th June, 1961’.
18 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 26 March 1962.
19 Roy Perrott, ‘A Club for Homosexuals’, Observer (13 January 1963), p. 28; Antony
which recognises the necessity of abnormal executive action.
British resistance to such a declaration was the cause of dangerous
obfuscation. Lloyd George’s insistence on police primacy was quite
rational politically, but was vitiated in practice by a persistent
failure to define objectives, powers and roles. The Cabinet’s
acceptance, in July 1920, of General Tudor’s contention that the
RIC might be
France’s inter-war empire: a framework for analysis
from critics of imperial practice across the French political spectrum,
and from hostile nation states opposed to a French colonial presence in
Africa and Asia.
The majority of the French nation were as indifferent to
the manifest cruelties of colonial exploitation as to the professed
benefits of an empire. Reflecting on his experiences in Madagascar and
Indochina before the outbreak of the First World
and Switzerland and the UK itself. The differences with the EEC
were stark: no political ambitions, only free trade among the members;
no common customs barrier vis-à-vis third countries; a limited staff with
no executive missions or competencies; and the exclusion of agriculture.3
However, hardly was the ink dry on the 1960 Stockholm Convention
creating the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), when the United
Kingdom began to reconsider. A number of uncomfortable truths were
becoming evident. The United Kingdom was no longer a world power,
’s own president Rossignol was embroiled
in Stavisky’s shadowy dealing. Facing the threat of substantial provincial
resignations if he remained in office, Rossignol resigned the presidency on 3
February 1934 though he remained an executive member.34
Georges Lebecq, president of the UNC’s Parisian group, agreed to
become interim national president until the national congress in May.
Lebecq, a small businessman and activist in the Parti démocrate populaire, represented a right-wing fascistic tendency in the UNC. After the
riot, his preference for political activism
Political cults in liberal Italy, 1861–1922
The cult of the Duce in Fascist Italy in many respects filled a vacuum. From
the time the movement for national unification (the Risorgimento) began in
the wake of the French Revolution, a central concern of patriots had been to
find a political arrangement that could resonate emotionally with a population of some twenty-five million (largely illiterate) people and bring together
an historically fragmented peninsula into a cohesive unit. Giuseppe Mazzini
and his democratic followers had looked to
he years between 1640 and 1660 were witness to a revolution: from the
political breakdown amid popular tumults in 1640–42, civil war, the
emergence of parliamentarian regimes, the second civil war and the execution of the monarch, to the republic, the protectorate, the restoration of the
republic, struggles between a restored parliament and the army, and the
ultimate restoration of the monarchy. Yet almost all the defining events of
this dramatic period took place in just a single portion of the capital, defined
by the boundaries of the town of