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Jonathan Moss

activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work and an assertion of their personal autonomy. Their political subjectivity was caught between emphasising their individual agency and rights as independent women and the gender and class constraints on their everyday experiences of paid work and trade unionism. Industrial disputes involving female workers have been conceptualised as evidence of changing attitudes towards women within male-dominated trade unions, and shifting attitudes among working-class women themselves. Existing

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
The use of British colonial ideals in Trinidad and Bengal
Martin J. Wiener

feeling [against his action]. The belief that the Executive Government is inclined to be despotic is ingrained in them.’ Such prejudice against government’s dangerous tendency to over-reach was a typically British political sentiment that at least momentarily united Indians and many Europeans in India in defence of juries and judges against the executive power. 28 This behaviour

in The cultural construction of the British world
Andrew Edwards

enthusiastic about the final version because the document could be used to illustrate party unity and solidarity: ‘the Welsh Labour Movement has overwhelmingly declared itself in support of a political statement and turned down the pleas put forward by a very small minority … in favour of a Parliament for Wales’.58 He was also keen for the National Executive Committee (NEC) to refer to the document in its report to Labour’s annual conference to emphasise again the unity that had been forged around the creation of a distinctive Welsh policy that was still in keeping with

in The art of the possible
The homophile internationalism of Britain’s Homosexual Law Reform Society
David Minto

not?’ (1960), in Antony Grey, Speaking Out: Writings on Sex, Law, Politics, and Society, 1954–1995 (London: Cassell, 1997), pp. 61–3. 15 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Walter Jacobs, 10 January 1961. 16 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 10 January 1961. 17 HCA, AGP, 1/2(a), Draft Executive Committee minutes for 1 March 1961; memo ‘General Considerations for Discussion: 20th June, 1961’. 18 HCA, ATP, 7/3(a), Grey to Bob Angelo, 26 March 1962. 19 Roy Perrott, ‘A Club for Homosexuals’, Observer (13 January 1963), p. 28; Antony

in British queer history
Charles Townshend

which recognises the necessity of abnormal executive action. British resistance to such a declaration was the cause of dangerous obfuscation. Lloyd George’s insistence on police primacy was quite rational politically, but was vitiated in practice by a persistent failure to define objectives, powers and roles. The Cabinet’s acceptance, in July 1920, of General Tudor’s contention that the RIC might be

in Policing and decolonisation
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France’s inter-war empire: a framework for analysis
Martin Thomas

, from critics of imperial practice across the French political spectrum, and from hostile nation states opposed to a French colonial presence in Africa and Asia. The majority of the French nation were as indifferent to the manifest cruelties of colonial exploitation as to the professed benefits of an empire. Reflecting on his experiences in Madagascar and Indochina before the outbreak of the First World

in The French empire between the wars
Open Access (free)
The new Europe takes shape
Kjell M. Torbiörn

and Switzerland and the UK itself. The differences with the EEC were stark: no political ambitions, only free trade among the members; no common customs barrier vis-à-vis third countries; a limited staff with no executive missions or competencies; and the exclusion of agriculture.3 However, hardly was the ink dry on the 1960 Stockholm Convention creating the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), when the United Kingdom began to reconsider. A number of uncomfortable truths were becoming evident. The United Kingdom was no longer a world power, neither politically

in Destination Europe
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The veterans’ riot
Chris Millington

’s own president ­Rossignol was embroiled in Stavisky’s shadowy dealing. Facing the threat of substantial provincial resignations if he remained in office, Rossignol resigned the presidency on 3 February 1934 though he remained an executive member.34 Georges Lebecq, president of the UNC’s Parisian group, agreed to become interim national president until the national congress in May. Lebecq, a small businessman and activist in the Parti démocrate populaire, represented a right-wing fascistic tendency in the UNC. After the riot, his preference for political activism

in From victory to Vichy
Christopher Duggan

1 Political cults in liberal Italy, 1861–1922 Christopher Duggan The cult of the Duce in Fascist Italy in many respects filled a vacuum. From the time the movement for national unification (the Risorgimento) began in the wake of the French Revolution, a central concern of patriots had been to find a political arrangement that could resonate emotionally with a population of some twenty-five million (largely illiterate) people and bring together an historically fragmented peninsula into a cohesive unit. Giuseppe Mazzini and his democratic followers had looked to

in The cult of the Duce
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J. F. Merritt

Introduction . T he years between 1640 and 1660 were witness to a revolution: from the political breakdown amid popular tumults in 1640–42, civil war, the emergence of parliamentarian regimes, the second civil war and the execution of the monarch, to the republic, the protectorate, the restoration of the republic, struggles between a restored parliament and the army, and the ultimate restoration of the monarchy. Yet almost all the defining events of this dramatic period took place in just a single portion of the capital, defined by the boundaries of the town of

in Westminster 1640–60