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Aspects of continuity and change after New Labour

refused to sign the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the EU and the East African Community, with officials citing Brexit as one of the key reasons (Hurt, 2016 ). At the same time, and as Part II of this volume demonstrates, a range of UK actors – both inside and outside government – continue to portray and frame Africa in terms of development. Both Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 show how the two leading political Parties in the UK – the Conservative and Labour Parties – continue to privilege Africa in the way they frame their thinking

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Journalism practice, risk and humanitarian communication

Regarding the need of an effective humanitarian communication that can politically assist mobilisation and public engagement, many scholarly works have focused upon the ability of the news media to create regimes of pity in order to mobilise the public towards humanitarian causes. 1 Some authors have gone further to say that if audiences are passive and uninterested, sometimes the media have to

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Constructing security in historical perspective

T HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES the concept of security through discursive contestation at the leadership level in a critical Middle Eastern case – that of Israel. The approach adopted here can be called historical constructivism in that it traces the fractured construction of security as a phenomenon that changes dramatically, and with significant political implications

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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of the paranoid style account. It is this ideal rationality that conspiracy theories inevitably fall short of, and it is this deficiency that is understood to be the hallmark of abnormality. Put simply, an acknowledgment of conspiracy thinking in mainstream culture points to the way ‘normal’ politics, with its purported rationality and pragmatism, is shot through with the same

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy

discussion then brings Part II together to draw some conclusions about the problematic nature of the taboo. Specifically, it takes on potential criticisms of this assessment. On the basis of the taboo’s conventional understanding, it would be easy to dismiss the claims made here as unduly controversial, if not dangerous. Where the taboo is adopted as a necessary and worthy political

in Syria and the chemical weapons taboo

all from political leaders of smaller states (such as Singapore, South Korea and Australia) concerned about future prospects for large-scale violence. But all of these accounts or concerns tend to be built on assumptions about the likelihood of conflict without US involvement, or about the impossibility for alternative security orders to develop. Most importantly, such accounts tend to fail to

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
New threats, institutional adaptations

2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 3 1 Eurasian security governance: new threats, institutional adaptations James Sperling Halford Mackinder developed the geostrategic formulation recognising that international politics encompasses the globe. His simple formulation, which guided early twentieth-century policy-makers and theorists in North America and continental Europe alike, held that the state that controls the Eurasian heartland controls the periphery, and the state that controls the periphery controls the world.1 More so than in the first decade of

in Limiting institutions?

The advent of military humanitarianism in the case of NATO’s intervention in Kosovo in 1999 illustrated the degree to which post-Cold War international politics had shifted. To many, Kosovo represented the dilemma characterising contemporary humanitarian interventions which opposes the normative power of human rights against the legal power of the principles of state

in Justifying violence

vehicles of political participation has become even more prevalent. They provide a way to defend and advance agendas of security provision, control of land and local political authority. This last element permeates Mai Mai ideology and represents the long-term aspirations of the Congolese peasantry. Understanding everyday forms of resistance in the DRC implies acknowledging that the fact that they are based on the lack of direct confrontation and on practices undertaken to attract the minimum amount of repression does not necessarily mean they are without violence

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

which have influenced how policymakers have treated the topic. Most notable is that throughout the UK’s history of engagement with peacekeeping on the African continent, there has been varying degrees of scepticism as to the motivations, politics and practicalities of UN missions. The second main trend is that the UK’s interactions that effect African-based peacekeeping operations have generally been undertaken on a political level, be it in the chamber of the UN Security Council (UNSC), through the UN secretariat, or through financial and bilateral contributions

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century