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, either in the Netherlands or abroad. Alongside this educational strategy, the apostolic vicar of the Missio Hollandica Philippus Rovenius (1572–1651) commenced a search in the 1620s for an institute of priests that, contrary to the existing religious congregations, in particular the Jesuits, would be unconditionally loyal to the local bishop and able to radically reform the secular clergy in the north in the sense of a new spirituality, focused on the Incarnation and on the local saints as role models for the regeneration of the Dutch Catholic community.74 In his

in College communities abroad

Seminary. Indeed, much of the imprint that America left on Canadian Anglicanism came about through influences that are hard to detect or isolate. The widespread hostility found in Canadian congregations to such rituals as responding to prayers, kneeling at prayer, church baptisms and the churching of women indicates that the American influence on popular religious belief in Canada remained strong. 69 Senior colonial

in An Anglican British World
Open Access (free)
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion

Jansénisme à la laïcité et les origines de la déchristianisation (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de L’Homme, 1987). Conventicles: independent Huguenot congregations. Doyle, Jansenism, pp. 30, 39. Van Kley, The Religious Origins of the French Revolution, p. 248. McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France, vol. 2, pp. 364, 377. Doyle, Jansenism, pp. 50–1. McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France, vol. 2, p. 428. On the Parlement of Paris and Jansenism see also J. Swann, Politics and the Parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754

in The Enlightenment and religion
Welfare, identity and Scottish prisoners-of-war in England, 1650–55

wrath and chastisement. The Covenanting revolution of the 1640s created unprecedented space for political debate in Scotland.4 Scottish political and religious leaders maintained this trend by responding to Cromwell’s invasion in a similarly public way. Scottish clerics rethought their understandings of providence by concluding that the English Commonwealth’s victory at Dunbar was part of 211 The hidden human costs God’s design to chasten the ungrateful, yet nevertheless chosen, people of Scotland.5 The special relationship forged between England and Scotland in the

in Battle-scarred
Elizabeth Isham’s religion

came to the cultivation of their personal piety and religion. As we have seen, conventional cultural expectations on female virtue went hand-in-hand with religious ideals for women in seventeenth-century England. Galenic-Aristotelian and scriptural notions – which conflated ideas centred on the humours and the concept of the daughters of Eve – depicted women as devoid of reason and interpretive thought while also more vulnerable to sin and Satan’s temptations. They were, therefore, weaker vessels when compared to men, a juxtaposition that buttressed ideological

in The gentlewoman’s remembrance

speech, a social history of communication’.1 This chapter explores the possibilities and problems of writing such an account for these complex events. One of the fundamental elements of religious change in the sixteenth century was that it created a contested lexicon. Protestantism generated a ‘speech-community’ whose claims (to speak the truth, to be a godly community) were larger than, and different from, those speech-communities confined by localised customs or specific dialects. Its language was radicalised by the claims to speak for, and to act out, God’s truth

in Ireland, 1641
Britons and Irish imperial culture in nineteenth-century India

people (including many other marginalised non-Anglican Protestant groups such as Irish Presbyterians and Methodists) were never quite comfortable with a ‘British’ designation, and did not necessarily see themselves as such. In this sense, late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ireland was never an homogenous economic, political or religious entity whose historic relationship with Britain was

in The cultural construction of the British world
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to later pastors of stable congregations, such visitors were unwelcome because of the potential danger these represented for their flocks and of the certain challenge these posed to their own authority. Gregory described vividly a particularly colourful character that he labelled the ‘bogus Christ of Bourges’ and recounted with satisfaction how the bishop of Le Puy had him killed. Gregory added that he had seen a number of these men with their entourages of ‘foolish women’ whom they had deceived into becoming their followers and to proclaiming them to be saints

in Indispensable immigrants

Chapter 10 The religious character of the Chief Rabbis and of Anglo-Jewry UR ANALYSIS OF the Chief Rabbis’ theologies and religious policies advances the understanding of the religious history of traditional Jewry in the modern period in two ways. First, we can make specific revisions to the current historiography on the Chief Rabbis, and on some other Jewish communities and their religious leaders. More importantly, our study allows us to help in the construction of a general typology of the Jewish religious response to modernity, which a number of scholars

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
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Introduction Rosamond McKitterick Among early medievalists today it is a commonplace to state that in the early Middle Ages politics and religion were so closely intertwined that they can barely be separated, not even conceptually. This awareness, however, is quite a recent one. Until the 1970s the history of religion remained mainly the domain of religious specialists, while political historians in general kept their distance from treating religious issues. It was only from that decade onwards that historians of the early Middle Ages started to see religion ‘as

in Religious Franks